Timor-Leste is the latest country in the Asia-Pacific region to be rocked by “Gen-Z” protests against the corruption of political elites. From September 15–17, students and other youth took to the streets of the capital Dili demanding that the national parliament reverse decisions to buy luxury SUVs for politicians and high officials and give them generous lifetime pensions.
On the third day, parliamentarians met with a student delegation and promised to reverse those unpopular decisions. President José Ramos-Horta said later in a social media post that he agreed with the demands of the protesters but blamed foreign “undercover elements” for interference and instigating clashes with police, a charge the protesters dismissed as scapegoating.
Youth rallied outside parliament, on September 25, to ensure that the politicians kept their promise to repeal the law giving themselves lifetime pensions, which they did, prompting celebrations in the street.
One of the student protest organisers, Konfrontu Vencer, spoke to Green Left about the background to this youth uprising. The interview was translated from Tetum by Tomas Freitas.
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Was this protest only about luxury cars and lifetime pensions for politicians, or was it the spark for broader issues?
Actually, the protest was aimed at dismantling both national and international mafia systems tied to the culture of purchasing luxury cars for members of parliament. Some MPs have enjoyed lavish lifestyles by collaborating with brokers who consistently inflate prices during procurement. Due to weak oversight and limited accountability, many parliamentarians have chosen to participate in this corrupt system for personal gain.
This mafia operates behind the scenes, disguised as legitimate politicians, and has normalised the practice of buying new cars for every new parliamentary term. While the procurement process appears legal, the inflated prices offered by the winning companies raise serious concerns.
The controversy surrounding car purchases has existed for years. In 2024, political parties such as FRETILIN and PLP [Peoples Liberation Party] submitted motions to revoke the budget for luxury vehicles during the general state budget discussions. However, these motions were rejected by pro-government parties. The budget — including funds for luxury cars — was quietly approved, and the public only became aware when procurement began in 2025. This triggered widespread dissent among social movements, NGOs, and universities.
Students mobilised to demand that parliament cancel the purchase of 65 vehicles. The protest used the car procurement issue as a symbol of resistance against a broader system of exploitation — national and international — that harms the people of Timor-Leste.
Tensions escalated between students and police, resulting in one car being burned and other vehicles damaged. Students were frustrated by the police, who were supposed to protect us but instead used force. This confrontation caused panic among MPs, who quickly agreed to our initial demands.
Seizing the moment, we pushed further — calling for the repeal of the lifetime pension law and the 100-meter [from parliament, government offices and embassies] restriction on protests. On the third day, parliament agreed to place the pension law on the agenda for discussion on September 25.
So this protest was not just about cars — it was the result of years of frustration and discontent among citizens toward their government.
What are the living conditions of young people in Timor-Leste today?
Youth in Timor-Leste face high unemployment and a lack of meaningful opportunities from the grassroots to the national level. Many turn to martial arts groups and rituals with unclear objectives, leading to a breakdown in youth productivity. With few jobs available, many young people leave the country, while older generations continue to dominate public institutions.
The quality of life is deeply unequal. The gap between rich and poor is visible, and the future feels uncertain — especially for university graduates who don’t know what comes next.
What should the government do to improve prospects for Timor-Leste’s new generations?
Reform parliamentary statutes to eliminate lifetime pensions and royalty privileges that do not serve the people of Maubere. These benefits often enrich political parties and individuals while the population suffers from poverty and rising malnutrition.
Repeal the 100-meter law that restricts freedom of protest. This law silences public criticism and shields lawmakers from accountability. Most policies favor elites and mafias, not the people of Maubere.
Cut unnecessary royalty expenses to free up the state budget. Redirect these funds to essential sectors like education, healthcare, agriculture, and infrastructure to improve the quality of life for all citizens.
Was your protest inspired by Gen Z uprisings in Nepal, Indonesia, Bangladesh and other Asia-Pacific countries?
Timor-Leste’s youth liberation movement began long ago — during Portuguese colonialism, through Indonesian occupation, and into our fight for independence. While we recognise the power of youth movements in Nepal, Indonesia, Bangladesh and other nations, our struggle is rooted in our own history and conditions.
We didn’t copy anyone. Our protest was born from decades of injustice and the burden carried by the youth and Maubere people for 17 years. In 2025, we showed that peaceful action can awaken the people to their power and rights. Civil society stood up to declare: the wounds of the people are our fight, and our sacrifice is the path to true liberation.
What lessons have you learned from this successful protest?
Each generation writes its own history. This isn’t the first student-led protest. In 2007, university students formed the Front Mahasiswa Timor-Leste. In 2013, the Movimentu Universidade Timor-Leste (MUTL) led another wave of resistance.
Now, Gen Z has organised under the name Estudantes Universitários Timor-Leste (EUTL) [University Students of Timor-Leste]. Their approach is unique and spontaneous. In this protest, EUTL openly criticized all major political parties, as seen in their banner: “Anti Partidu Liberal – Abaixu [Anti Liberal Parties below]: Fretilin, CNRT [National Congress of Timorese Reconstruction], PD [Democratic Party], PLP, KHUNTO [Enrich the National Unity of the Sons of Timor].”
EUTL has a distinct character compared to previous movements. They represent a new generation of fearless, creative, and determined youth ready to challenge injustice and demand change.