BY SARAH STEPHEN
Taking office on July 30, Pru Goward will be Australia's fifth Sex Discrimination Commissioner. A close friend of hers, John Howard, appointed her to the $172,000 position, which has a five-year term.
A high-profile journalist, radio host and commentator for the establishment media for many years, Goward was appointed executive director of the Office of the Status of Women in 1997 by John Howard. She left that position to take up an appointment as the PM's chief Olympic spokesperson last year.
There has been a modest uproar, within feminist circles in particular, at what is clearly a political appointment.
On the July 1 Sunday program, Goward defended her appointment, saying "Yes, I'm a friend of the prime minister and I'm honoured that I'm a friend of the prime minister, but I hope that in Australia that friendship is no barrier to appointment."
To call it a political appointment is far too polite a description. This is a classic example of Australia's own brand of cronyism — people in powerful positions (such as the prime minister) dole out positions to their friends.
Goward's example is almost comical. Not only is she taking up her third high-paid appointment under the Howard government, her current husband, David Barnett, was a senior staffer for Malcolm Fraser for nine years, and co-authored John Howard's biography with Goward. Goward's daughter, Kate Fischer, was — for a time — engaged to James Packer, the son of Australia's richest man.
This is the political establishment in Australia, but to label it a "jobs club" only reveals part of the picture.
Goward's credentials for her new job are her personal successes in the corridors of power, and certainly not a past or present commitment to equality for all women.
While at university, Goward reportedly attended the first meeting of Women's Liberation in Adelaide — but it takes a little more substantial involvement in the women's liberation movement than that to gain feminist credibility.
Goward has described her new position as a "toothless tiger", with limited powers.
"Since the Brandy case [which found that non-judicial bodies cannot make binding rulings], the capacity of the commission to actually hear and conciliate complaints has been vastly reduced. My role will basically be educative and I'll be doing some national inquiries into areas where there is systemic discrimination."
She must be quite happy with this arrangement, given that it means she doesn't have to risk taking a clear stance on issues, thus avoiding any serious conflict with her friend John.
The Sex Discrimination Act was passed in 1984, one of the many products of the strong feminist movement of the 1970s, which won strong popular support for womens rights to be free from discrimination.
Reflecting his contempt for and disinterest in the notion of women's oppression, Howard left the sex discrimination commissioner's position vacant for 12 months after coming to office in 1996.
Outgoing commissioner, Susan Halliday, who held the job from 1998, wrote in the July 2 Australian, "The Sex Discrimination Commissioner is the public face of the legislation. As the independent voice tasked with pursuing the spirit, intent and letter of the law by stimulating debate, educating the community, conducting enquiries and research, and advising government on policy, so as to ensure true equality, the existence of the commissioner's role is essential if progress is to be made."
The feminist movement of the 1970s campaigned strongly for government advisory bodies and positions such as the Office for the Status of Women and the sex discrimination commissioner. It was Labor Party women in particular who led this push, believing strongly that the state would continue to administer women's rights on behalf of the movement. How wrong they were.
The position of sex discrimination commissioner has proved not to be the most essential thing. Without a strong, organised and mobilised women's liberation movement active in all spheres of life, there is limited strength to enforce such legislation.
Goward's comments during her time as director of the Office of the Status of Women reveal her brand of (anti-)feminism.
Are women still discriminated against? "Of course they are. Women are only a tiny proportion of politicians; the salaries of female corporate managers are still less than those of their male counterparts; and women are still grossly under-represented in the upper echelons of government departments."
The likes of Goward can't see beyond their own social position to even fathom what the issues are for the majority of ordinary, working class women: basic issues such as equal pay and affordable child care.
Have women made progress towards equality? "Yes, women have made some progress over the last two decades, but they will come up a lot faster when men learn that it pays to make room at the top."
Sure, big business and their political parties can do a lot better for themselves if they incorporate a few more women into their ranks, but how does that measure as progress for the other 95% of women?
Affirmative action? "We've tried it, it doesn't work."
Goward instead supports the "mainstreaming" of women's policy, which has meant the abolition or gutting of affirmative action programs and monitoring bodies.
Prostitution? Men using prostitutes is a "necessary market solution to a fundamental difference between men and women: the nature of their sexual desire."
Women's liberation? "I think we've talked for far too long about women's lib. It's reaching a point where it's almost a war between men and women and that has not been productive."
The continuation of the Howard-Goward team, first in the Office for the Status of Women, and now in the position of sex discrimination commissioner, will hopefully teach feminists a few lessons while she holds office.
First among these is that it is utter foolishness to rely on bureaucratic posts and their high profile occupants to represent or advance the interests of all women.
Without a movement to force accountability to the issues and concerns of women, Goward will sooner be a mouthpiece for the Howard government than she will advance the cause of women and feminism.