UNITED STATES: Bush's black and white view of the world

April 17, 2002
Issue 

BY MALIK MIAH

SAN FRANCISCO — Under President George Bush's new world of "morality" everything is "black and white". People, groups and states are either "good" or "evil". Countries are with the US or against it. The "evil" terminology permeates newspapers, television and every medium.

Of course, there is and has never been a world that is simply black and white, good versus evil. For example, take these three words: terrorism, patriotism and racism.

The word "terrorist" has become an epithet for all those who disagree with Bush. The April arrest of a prominent civil liberties lawyer in New York for allegedly abetting terrorism by communicating to her Muslim client in prison shows the logic of the "war on terrorism". It will be turned against liberals, radicals and many others in the country, not just foreigners charged as "terrorists".

Jessica Stern, a lecturer at Harvard University and author of the Ultimate Terrorists, rejects a black and white version of terrorism. "To me", she's quoted in the April 7 New York Times as saying, "the definition of terrorism is deliberately targeting noncombatants with the aim of instilling fear. I don't think it's useful to focus on the perpetrator, because then it just becomes an epithet. It's a technique that can be used by non-state actors, as well as states. I believe that when the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, terrorizing the Japanese population was a very deliberate strategy."

This is an interesting point. The US government defends its slaughter of Japanese civilians as justified. It defends the state terrorism of Israel, armed by the US, as "self defence" to fight Palestinian "terrorists".

In truth there is no simple black and white version of "terrorism". It is not simply killing civilians that makes a group or state terrorist.

Palestinians are an oppressed nation dominated by an overwhelming military power (Israel) backed by an even stronger power (US). The terrorist tactics by Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and even Fatah are incorporated into a mass strategy of resistance.

To condemn suicide bombers (martyrs of resistance), who see their bodies as the only equaliser to a completely militarised Israeli society that uses F16s and tanks on Palestinian civilians, is to accept Bush's and Ariel Sharon's black-and-white view of the conflict: the suicide bombers are "murderers", and the Israelis are defenders of "democracy and civilisation".

Patriotism is not black and white either. Bush states that true patriots are those who accept his definition of terrorism and evil. Attorney General John Ashcroft charged some Democrats in Congress as unpatriotic for daring to question the Bush administration's domestic policies to fight terrorism.

In a true democracy, however, a patriot can disagree with the government. Socialists reject the idea that a "patriot" is only a person who agrees with the government. We distinguish between the patriotism of oppressed nations and the chauvinism of the oppressors.

The patriotism of the US ruling class is reactionary, since it extols loyalty to an imperialist, oppressor state. When Bush told the Taliban and Pakistani General Pervez Musharraf to "get behind us or face our massive power" he was simply expressing US imperialist arrogance.

The patriotism of a Third World people, on the other hand, has a progressive content when it reflects a desire to end their subordination to imperialist domination.

The patriotism of oppressed people in an imperialist country is also not black and white. Patriotism for African Americans has always been a problem because of the country's history of racial discrimination. Patriotism for the most part has been identified with white racism, Jim Crow segregation and slavery. After the 1960s and the victory of the civil rights movement it became more complex as more blacks identified themselves as "Americans".

Blacks today are proud that more African Americans are serving in powerful governmental and corporate positions that weren't possible in the past. This is so even though such gains haven't benefited the majority of blacks. The broad pro-American attitudes among black people after September 11 reflect the changes in US society since the 1960s.

Yet the contradictory interaction of racism and patriotism hasn't gone away. Conservatives argue that the use of race is outdated and reflects negative attitudes among blacks toward themselves.

The strong opposition by black conservatives to reparations for the descendants of slaves is a case in point. While it isn't often discussed in the mainstream media, it is heated among the black elite liberals and conservatives.

In March a group of lawyers filed a federal class-action lawsuit in New York on behalf of all African-American descendants of slaves. The lawsuit seeks compensation from a number of corporate defendants for profits earned through slave labour and the slave trade.

The Reparations Coordinating Committee, a separate body of mostly academics and professionals, has been pursuing the issue for years. The committee is following the examples of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Jewish and Japanese Americans who suffered during World War II. The committee seeks to get the US government and Corporate America to take responsibility for slavery and its aftermath.

It is not a new idea. Representative John Conyers of Detroit has been filing legislation in Congress since 1989. There have been conferences on the issue, which is more about morality, historical justice and political responsibility than money.

Yet for some in the conservative black elite the issue is an insult and a danger to the country, not just blacks. I've never seen so much venom — not even during earlier debates over quotas and busing for school desegregation — than around this issue.

Black columnist Juan Williams, a senior correspondent for National Public Radio and a political analyst for Fox News, wrote a vicious column in the April 9 Wall Street Journal entitled, "Slavery isn't the issue". He sees it as an attempt by the civil rights elite to gain more power.

"In the current lawsuits", he writes, "the money from reparations is designated for a treasury that would be controlled by a black elite and used as they see fit to improve life in black America. What is now national policy for dealing with black poverty would become a matter of a black nationalist agenda."

Williams concludes his piece: "Reparations are a dangerous, even evil, idea because they contradict the moral authority of black America's claim to equal rights. Pushing them through would only hurt race relations by encouraging negative stereotypes about blacks at a time when the nation is more diverse and the need for inter-racial understanding is at its greatest."

"Reparations' bottom line", writes Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe, "is that black people are hopeless losers who cannot rise above their history. That is a terrible libel, and no one but a racist would believe it."

In other words, the victims (as Malcolm X explained) are responsible for the racism of the white majority.

Williams' charge of "evil" neatly fits the black-and-white, good versus evil paradigm. The truth is the reparations issue highlights and exposes the long history of white racism and the racial underbelly of Corporate America.

Simply put, there is no "black-and-white" understanding of terrorism, patriotism or even racism in today's world separate from the bigger social and class picture. What is clear is that those seeking progressive social change can never allow the oppressors and aggressors to define the terminology and its underlying meaning.

From Green Left Weekly, April 24, 2002.
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