By Jean-Pierre Lemaire
I would like to make some comments on the recent strike movement, then try to draw some political conclusions that are valid for the present and the future.
First, we have witnessed the first phase of a movement that is unique since 1968 in its effect on the economy and the size of the demonstrations. The movement confronted an authoritarian right-wing government that refused to negotiate, making the campaign more radical. It was a grassroots movement, carried along by trade union unity, partial in some cases. We should underline the importance of the democratic and self-managed nature of the strikes.
The first round was won by the strikers, and the more tenacious the struggle, as was the case with the rail workers, the more it paid off.
There has been much talk of the gap between the ruling class and ordinary people. The fact that the Juppé Plan was supported by almost all the media, to be then rejected by the majority of the French people, is reminiscent of the referendum on Maastricht, when a similar thing happened.
The major aspect of all this is the return of the working class to front stage. It was not too long ago that they had disappeared into a black hole. Society was divided into two categories — those who were lucky enough to have work and those who weren't. The former of course were requested to put up with anything to avoid finishing up on the dole or with nowhere to live. The return of union culture to the spotlight, as well as of strike culture (self-management and the breaking down of barriers between worker collectives), and a comeback by all those who have been humiliated and pressured by the system, is great news.
A lot has been said of the solidarity shown by private sector workers toward the struggle in the public sector. What has not been emphasised enough is that if the private sector did not join in, it wasn't for lack of wanting to but through fear of unemployment, which for the ruling class is not a problem but a solution that ensures precariousness of work and a docile labour force.
The interruptions to transport in the Paris region were very useful, I think. They encouraged new types of solidarity (in the form of car-pooling) but also revealed the absurdity of urban development in the Ile-de-France, which creates ever greater distances between home and workplace, with all that means in terms of pollution and waste, both human and economic.
In conclusion, I would like to draw out some lessons from the conflict for ecologists and progressives. This social movement clearly poses the question of a new plan for society, of an alternative. A plan which of course challenges free-enterprise dogma and the dictatorship of financial markets. A plan which gives a central place to employment, a high level of social protection, the satisfaction of society's needs and the preservation of ecological balances.
In the face of Maastricht criteria, we need a Europe founded on working people, citizenship and ecology. The central problem of our societies is more than ever the need for a new division of work and wealth!
But the social movement also demands political outcomes. We cannot escape the question of a new radical majority in this country. And frankly, the established parties are not up to it. The Communist Party talks about a progressive alternative, but doesn't say how and according to which program to build it, except by joining in local forums which it organises.
As for the Socialist Party, it's much more serious. Jospin criticised Juppé's plan basically for its style and not its content. What is more, it has the gall to advise the government how to get people to swallow the bitter pill. With the Socialist Party, it's still government culture that dominates.
What is needed therefore is a major change to the political balance of power. To do that it is necessary to build a new organisation.
For us in the AREV (Red-Green Alternative) what is required is a synthesis between the workers' movement and the political green movement, a radical green movement that is convincing and has clout. We call on all those who wish this to happen to build it with us as quickly as possible.
[Abridged from Rouge et Vert, December 27, 1995. Translated by Brendan Doyle.]