Federico Fuentes
Twenty-thousand people chanted, "El Alto is on its feet, never on its knees", as they marched from that city onto the capital to celebrate their victory on January 14. Less than five years ago, the population of Cochabamba successfully booted out the multinational Bechtel, which had bought out their water supply and began charging for collected rainwater. This time, it was the turn of the people of El Alto, who have just regained control of their water supply.
The city of El Alto, with its population of 800,000 nestled in the highlands region 4000 metres above sea level, has been the site of some of Bolivia's biggest protests. Organised under the banner of FEJUVE, the Federation of Neighbourhood Juntas, which unites around 600 local committees, the mobilisation of the predominately working class and indigenous Aymara altenos was decisive in overthrowing the previous president, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, during the October 2003 rebellion. Since then, tensions with the new president, Carlos Mesa, have been gradually building up as the government has failed to provide for the people's most basic needs.
On September 27 last year, after weeks of extensive discussion within the local committees, FEJUVE released its list of demands. These included the nationalisation of Bolivia's gas reserves — the second largest in South America — and improvement in healthcare, employment and education. With no response from the government, the leaders of FEJUVE returned to the people, who responded with a 24-hour shutdown of the city on November 15; the biggest mobilisation since the October rebellion.
Within three days, government representatives were meeting with FEJUVE. This time, they had added a new demand that was central to the livelihood of the residents of this city. In 1997, in compliance with conditions set out in a World Bank loan, the city's water supply was sold off to Aguas de Illimani, a subsidiary of the world's second largest water company, French-based Suez Lyonnaise des Eaux. For most of the altenos, 60% of whom live on around $2 a day, this meant the loss of decent potable water and sewerage facilities. In the poorer areas, the company did not even bother installing meters, instead charging a flat rate well in excess of actual consumption.
After a month of dialogue which seemingly went around in circles, the altenos announced an indefinite general strike for January 10. The response on the day was overwhelming with the entire city shut down. Road blockades were set up all around the city, stopping anything coming in or out. By the next day, the government had sent a letter to Abel Mamani, the secretary general of FEJUVE, offering to terminate Aguas de Illimani's contract.
FEJUVE's response, after tense discussion, was to demand that Mesa issue a supreme decree to end the contract within 24 hours, or they would march on the capital and occupy all of Aguas de Illimani installations by force.
This time the government responded within 20 minutes, stating that a decree would be ready by the following morning. The decree, however, did not set a definite time of departure for the company and so the altenos returned to the road blockades.
Finally, the government was forced to bow and issued a decree which ordered "all immediate action" be taken to terminate the contract. What was to be a protest march turned into a victory march.
This historic victory was followed a week later with a further partial retreat by Mesa on the diesel price rise that had been implemented on New Year's Eve. Although the price rise for kerosene and petrol will stay, Mesa pledged to increase diesel prices by 15% rather than the original 23%. The price increases had sparked a wave of protests across the country.
The biggest mobilisations were in the eastern region of Santa Cruz, where a 48-hour strike, beginning on January 11, paralysed the city.
Despite the relative breathing space gained by Mesa as a result of his two concessions, he is still far from out of trouble as protests continue. In a country that has been racked by massive social upheaval and growing class polarisation, and where the workers and peasants are organised, mobilised and confident from their victory, it seems unlikely that Mesa will see out his term until 2007.
From Green Left Weekly, January 26, 2005.
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