Rebels plan for a new Zaire

April 9, 1997
Issue 

The Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire, led by Laurent Kabila, is leading the armed struggle sweeping Zaire. In France, the Coalition of Democratic Organisations of the Zairean Diaspora (CODEZAD) represents the alliance. PARISA DIAMAMBANZA, spokesperson for the coalition, was interviewed by Green Left Weekly's STUART RUSSELL.

Question: What are the latest developments in your struggle?

A few days ago there was a summit in Lomé, initiated by the president of Togo. The real goal of the summit was to derail the advance of patriotic forces in Zaire, and to put the alliance in a situation where it would refuse to negotiate with the Mobutu regime, to justify international intervention.

French and Belgian troops are already in Brazzaville. Since 1960, the French and Belgians have intervened many times militarily, always to protect the Mobutu dictatorship.

The Lomé summit has no authority because Mobutu sent people who had no constitutional authority to negotiate. The alliance sent qualified people, including its commissioner of foreign affairs, while Mobutu sent a foreign affairs minister of a non-existent government since he had resigned, and his daughter, who has no constitutional authority, as well as the president of his parliament, but it isn't the parliament which can negotiate. Only the executive can negotiate. Mobutu only wants to buy time and set the stage for foreign military intervention.

Question: Where does the alliance come from? What are its roots?

The alliance is composed of four political parties, the most important of which is the Party of the Popular Revolution (PRP), which is led by Laurent Kabila. There are also three other small parties, including one which has substantial roots in the south of Kivu, the Popular Democratic Party.

Question: Could you explain how the alliance is organising people in the liberated areas?

We are trying to do everything democratically in organising the people. We don't have many resources, but each time an area is liberated we bring together the people, neighbourhood by neighbourhood, so that the people can choose their own leaders.

It's a form of emergency democracy. First we need to replace Mobutu's administrative personnel, who are fleeing, but the alliance doesn't replace them with its leaders. It's much more democratic for the population to choose their own representatives. But since it's done very quickly, there is no secret ballot, rather the people vote publicly with a raised hand.

The re-education program is not obligatory. We acknowledge that the Mobutu regime instilled anti-social behaviour, particularly corruption and violence. So we have organised political programs, and the population is invited to participate, but there is no coercion.

Question: Aside from these elections, what are the structures in the liberated areas?

The alliance is already functioning as a government, dealing with a number of responsibilities, including foreign affairs, economic management and administration. But it's a provisional government, because the alliance is open to any opposition party and individual who want to join it.

Question: In the western press, we don't hear much about the program of the alliance. What are its main features?

The program emphasises two main points. On the political level, the alliance wants to continue the process of democratisation which was interrupted on September 14, 1960. At that time Patrice Lumumba was the prime minister, and Mobutu organised a coup d'etat to stop the democratisation process. So the Alliance believes that legitimacy and legality in the country were interrupted in September 1960.

On the economic level, there are many urgent matters to attend to, for instance sanitation and social services, because the health of the Zairean people is truly in a catastrophic condition. At a more leisurely pace, we'll be putting in place different economic programs.

But until there are new national elections, the program of the government of national unity led by the alliance won't be able to take a position on different economic models, such as communism and capitalism. The alliance's economic vision is a social one based on an equilibrium between the market and the urgent needs of the people.

Question: It has been reported that in the liberated areas the alliance presents two contradictory messages: a socialist discourse as well as a free market discourse. What is the alliance's position on the free market?

Many expressions are used because the alliance isn't a unified political party, but rather a platform which regroups a number of political parties. The current program, which was decided in January, is a minimalist program, based on social needs and the market. Therefore the alliance accepts the principles of the market, but it also has a major social obligation. The Marxist-Leninist message comes from one or two parties in the alliance, but it doesn't represent the majority view.

Question: Is the Alliance for multipartyism?

Of course. The alliance insists on the need to resurrect the democratisation process broken in 1960, because at that time we had democracy and a bicameral parliamentary system. But in the liberated areas, to prevent disruption to the war effort, the alliance has demanded the suspension of political parties while the war is on. So it's an exceptional measure, valid only during the war.

Question: Corruption is one of the great tragedies of the Mobutu regime, and of all Africa. How is the alliance going to rid Zaire of corruption?

The journalists who have been in the liberated areas have stated that the mentality has changed very quickly. There's almost no corruption there, in the popular army, at the barricades on the roads, to get a visa or to get an administrative job. All the symbols and the attitudes of the Mobutu regime have been swept away.

The people are aware that they were in an impossible situation. So it's by the creation of a new system based on good faith that we are fighting against corruption. We're not building an ideal society, but each time an individual breaks the law he or she must be dealt with. It was the culture of impunity, fostered by Mobutu, that allowed corruption to flourish.

Question: You've stated that there are certain disagreements within the alliance concerning whether its program should promote a socialist or a capitalist vision. Kabila strongly supported Lumumba in the 1960s. What is the alliance's thinking about socialism?

There was an international campaign to misrepresent Lumumba's thinking. For those of us who knew his life and his thinking, Lumumba was not a Marxist, strictly speaking. Lumumba fundamentally believed in political and economic independence, and unity of the Congo. At the time the Belgian press labelled him a communist, to promote the Cold War and rally the west against him.

Kabila, who is one of the political heirs of Lumumba since he was in the Lumumba youth movement in 1960, also believes in political and economic independence as well as national unity. As for the various options promoted by Kabila's party, the emphasis now is on sovereignty. Kabila does not claim to be a Marxist.

Question: The alliance has stated that planning for the future will be a priority only after the end of the war. Why is that?

In the disastrous state that Mobutu leaves Zaire, if we demand, for example, an accelerated program of privatisation, some people will seize certain assets, which will only create more corruption and be against the interests of the community. If we leave the door open to all the major western powers, the people won't be able to survive.

So during this transitional period the priority in terms of planning is on urgent social matters. But this period will last for at least another year or two. After that period and once elections are held, the party which wins the elections will then implement its program.

Question: Are there other elements to its the alliance's program?

Last November Kabila issued a statement which placed great emphasis on human rights. The new Congo of tomorrow must be a Congo which respects human rights. That's fundamental. Kabila also hopes that relations with the west will be beneficial. So democracy is our underlying preoccupation, as well as protection of human rights.

Question: In order to complete the task of ridding Zaire of Mobutu, you may need international solidarity. How can we support your struggle?

Aid can be sent directly to the alliance in Goma, Zaire, but also to the coalition in Paris, which works with similar groups in different European countries. We can be contacted at CODEZAD, BP 175, 94005-Cedex Paris, France, fax (33) 1 48 58 28 26. Right now we're collecting contributions for medical assistance, which is urgently needed in Zaire. Also, we're circulating information about the struggle, particularly because our liberation struggle has been misrepresented in the media.

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