Portugal's Left Bloc: 'We are competing for left hegemony'

Delegates vote at the Left Bloc's 10th convention in Lisbon.

It is hard to imagine a sharper contrast than that between the 10th National Convention of Portugal's Left Bloc, held in Lisbon from June 24 to 26, and its predecessor, held in the same city 18 months ago.

In 2014, the 9th National Convention of the radical left force — formed in 1999 to unite several left currents — had brought the organisation to the brink of a 50–50 split.

The convention was dominated by a virulent fight between the two main platforms presented to the convention. The debate centred over the group's leadership, tactics towards the Socialist Party (PS, Portugal's main social democratic party) and the relative importance of the struggle for debt restructuring as against defence of Portugal's progressive 1975 constitution.

Gains

Disaster was only avoided when a compromise leadership formula was adopted by the incoming national council. But once it stepped back from this abyss, the Left Bloc went from success to success:

• In April last year, the Bloc re-entered the regional parliament of the tax-haven and holiday island of Madeira with two MPs;
• Last October, the Bloc scored its best ever result in a Portuguese general election (10.2%, 19 seats in the 230-seat Portuguese national assembly). Its success was largely due to its stance that it would support a PS-led government if it raised welfare payments and the minimum wage, and stopped privatisations.
• After the elections, the Bloc, the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and the Ecologist Party-Greens (PEV) separately negotiated to support a minority PS government. Blocking the formation of the right-wing government proposed by then-president Cavaco Silva, it led to the formation of the PS government of Prime Minister Antonio Costa.
• In January, the Left Bloc's candidate for president, Marisa Matias, came third with 10.1% of the vote after being under 5% in early polling. Her result was double that attained by the last Bloc presidential candidate in 2006.

As a result of these gains, the Left Bloc went to its 10th National Convention in a confident mood, with all major indicators showing growth. Since 2014, its membership has grown from 9240 to 11,734; daily visits to its websites had risen by between 16% and 25%; and its social media presence had increased by up to 78%.

These advances reflected the increased weight of the Left Bloc in Portuguese politics, forcefully articulated in the media by national coordinator Catarina Martins. Without the Bloc's initiative towards the PS, the previously governing right-wing parties — the Social-Democratic Party (PSD) and the Democratic and Social Centre-Peoples Party (CDS-PP) — would likely have continued in government with PS abstention.

Also, the existence of a parliamentary majority opposed to European Union-driven austerity sends a strong message to the Costa government that it should not waver in standing up to “Brussels”.

The advantages of such boldness were reconfirmed on July 27 when the European Commission announced that it would not fine Portugal or Spain for failing to reach EU-decreed deficit reduction targets.

A July Portuguese Aximage poll found the PS-PCP-PEV-Left Bloc parliamentary majority that supports Costa (known colloquially in Portugal as “the contraption”) has the support of 55.8% of those polled as against 35.4% for the parties of the right.

A June Eurosondagem poll had 68.8% rating the Costa government's performance as either very good (10.6%), good (22.7%) or reasonable (35.5%).

Majority platform

Such was the unexpectedly positive atmosphere in which the 639 delegates met to decide the Bloc's next steps. This time, convention debate focussed around three platforms instead of the previous convention's five.

The majority platform (Platform A) had won 82% support in delegate elections. The two minority platforms (Platforms R and B) had won 9.4% and 5.2% respectively, with the remaining vote going to local platforms.

The overwhelming support for Platform A, which drew together the two tendencies that had been at loggerheads in 2014, was partly due to the gains of the past 18 months. But it is also due to the ambitious perspective it set the organisation — that of winning hegemony within the whole left.

MP Jorge Costa, who presented Platform A's perspectives to the convention, told the June 25 Publico: “We are working so that our contribution in this majority gains greater weight … The Bloc actually wants to compete for a majority on the left. And to actually become the pole of reference for a left majority.

“Nowhere is it written that in Portugal the PS will always be the leading force on the left … A left agreement tomorrow could be developed on another basis and on a completely different relationship of political forces.”

For Platform A, two processes were needed to create a balance of forces so the shortcomings of the PS government could be overcome: the revival of mass struggle, especially against the polices imposed by European institutions, and a “spreading social intervention of the Left Bloc itself”.

Platform A stated: “The agreement [with the PS] to stop impoverishment was and is critical for protecting the population, but it is not enough to respond properly on jobs, social justice and economic development.

“Without a new strategy for the country it is not possible to defeat austerity and maintain commitment to the income recovery on which the parliamentary majority is based.”

It put forward three strategic approaches for defeating austerity: “1) Control of the finance sector and the fight against corruption and economic crime in order to protect state resources and guarantee fiscal justice;
2) Investment in decarbonising the economy, in food sovereignty and in regional territorial cohesion in order to create jobs and fight the trade deficit; and
3) Reviving workers rights and fighting casualisation so as to guarantee the redistribution of wealth and social justice.”

For Platform A, the Bloc's immediate challenges were this year's regional elections and next year's local government elections — contests it has traditionally fared worse than in general elections. To make its mark at these levels “the Bloc has a lot of work ahead to create a system of organisation that is up to our responsibilities”.

“It is a matter of urgency to have the organisation that can create the political and social action that the Bloc needs to lead or stimulate as a decisive contribution to deepening change in the country.”

Minority platforms

For its part, Platform R emphasised that the PS government continued to be “the same as ever, despite having done what it has never done before”.

It said: “Coherently social liberal, but under pressure from the correlation of forces that emerged from the last general elections, [the PS] succeeded in taking advantage of the momentary 'relief' in the financial crisis to overturn for the time being some of the most burdensome policies of the reign of the Troika and the right wing.”

However, given that the PS remains a faithful servant of European capital, it says the Bloc, “alert to the lessons of the crushing of the possibility of a political alternative in Greece, will not fail to choose the field of social rights, disobeying the European institutions, confronting financial capitalism and leaving the euro, if that is necessary”.

The Platform R document expressed distrust over the capacity of the Bloc's leaders to resist the pressure to trail behind the Costa government. It also criticised the supposedly excessive centralisation of power in the Bloc's leadership and the growing passivity of members.

Its solution? “A high-intensity democracy requires horizontality in its decision-making and the existence of multiple actors who embody our social project. The best way to build the Bloc inside and out is collective organisation at all levels, from the grassroots to the leadership.”

Platform B, meanwhile, focused on what it said were organisational moves the Bloc had to make to achieve greater social influence. While not contesting the basic political perspectives of Platform A, its proposals included 10 immediate measures to strengthen the Bloc's presence “on the ground”.

These included redirecting the present body of full-timers to strengthening branch and regional structures, creating regional coordinating committees, creating a plan for branch expansion, reforming the Bloc website and creating a school for political training.

Platform B also shared some of Platform R's criticism of the Bloc's supposedly excessive centralism.

In the final votes on the platforms, as well as for the incoming 80-member National Board, the proportions of support for the three platforms remained basically unchanged. Platforms B and R both won one more seat on the National Board than might have been expected (seven and nine respectively, with 64 for Platform A).

European perspective

In her welcoming address to the convention, Catarina Martins, who was subsequently re-elected as the party's national coordinator, outlined the Bloc's perspective for Portugal and Europe — made even more relevant by the British vote to leave the EU the day before.

“We knew — and we said — that this European Union did not serve us,” Martins said. “That it was a space not of solidarity between states, but of domination of the periphery by the centre. That the question was not whether we could democratically endorse European decisions, but that the institutional design of the EU was fed by the emptying of democracy wherever it had support and vitality.

“But we never stopped affirming — nor shall we ever — that the European space is a space for the struggle of the left. We find people, movements, parties that are our people, and it is with these forces that we want to conquer the power of Brussels and Berlin.”

The convention roundly endorsed this perspective — of the struggle to reverse austerity in Portugal as an integral part of overturning it across Europe.

[Dick Nichols is Green Left Weekly's European correspondent, based in Barcelona. He attended the Left Bloc's 10th National Convention on behalf of the Australian Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal.]

Like the article? Subscribe to Green Left now! You can also like us on Facebook and follow us on Twitter.

Reading Green Left online is free but producing it isn't ...

Green Left aims to make all content available online, without paywalls, but we depend on your support to survive.