Russian left discusses unity
By V. Krasnov
MOSCOW — The question of unifying the democratic left in Russia has been under debate now for at least two years. After the attempted coup of August 1991, when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was banned, a multiplicity of new communist parties appeared, vying with one another for members and influence. That period also saw the rise of the Party of Labour (PT) and the Socialist Party of Workers (SPT).
The first of these parties was established by former participants in the informal groups of the democratic opposition, together with trade union leaders of the new generation. The second was founded by former members of the reform wing of the CPSU. Although the PT and SPT held similar ideological and political positions, collaboration between them was made difficult by psychological and cultural differences, and at first, by mutual mistrust.
The Social Democratic Party of the Russian Federation (SDPR) had already existed since 1990. But this party, which was closely linked with Yeltsin and the Democratic Russia bloc, could hardly be described as leftist. The SDPR supported crash privatisation and the "neoliberal" reforms of the Russian Thatcherites. In the view of SDPR ideologues, it was necessary first of all to create capitalism in Russia, and then to defend workers against it.
The first attempt to unite democratic socialists took place at the Congress of Democratic Left Forces, held in the autumn of 1992. The congress saw the creation of the Consultative Council of Democratic Left Forces. But no further progress was made, to a significant degree because of a lack of mutual understanding between the PT and SPT.
The decision by the Constitutional Court to allow the revival of the Communist Party of Russia sharply altered the situation. After the Communist Party was re-established, a significant section of SPT members who remained true to the old traditions left to join the reconstitued party. Unification between the SPT and the PT finally appeared on the agenda at the SPT congress in June 1993. As one of the delegates observed, to have two left socialist parties in Russia was an impermissible luxury.
Meanwhile, a split had occurred in the SDPR. As the consequences of the "neo-liberal" reforms had become more obvious, the opposition in the party had gained in strength. For several months the dissidents enjoyed a majority on the SDPR executive, but then the Yeltsin supporters staged a comeback. As a result the party disintegrated into three factions: the SDPR majority headed by Anatoly Golov, the "Social Democratic Centre" around Oleg Rumyantsev, and the "United Social Democrats". These three goups were at quite different points of the political spectrum. Golov remained a true Yeltsinite, Rumyantsev attached himself to the "centrist" Civic Union, and the United Social Democrats began discussions with the left. Ultimately, however, the future of the left in Russia depends not on discussions between leaders of left parties, but on the position of the trade unions and on the development of the mass movement. In 1992 the leadership of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia — the country's mass union body, with more than 65 million members — reacted skeptically to the idea of the Party of Labour. But as the politicisation and radicalisation of the trade unions proceeded, support for the PT grew as well.
The mass strikes which began in August 1993 saw political demands raised, and the question of the Party of Labour was discussed heatedly by union activists from the national leadership level to that of the shop floor.
As the labour movement enters into struggle, it has no choice but to create its own political structures. After two years of "shock therapy", more and more union leaders are finding themselves in agreement with the Party of Labour. But a great deal of time has already been lost, and the cost of further vacillations will be enormous.
On the initiative of one of the leaders of the SPT, Gennady Sklyar, trade union activists and leaders of the left parties will gather during the autumn to try to set up a national political bloc, the Russian Union of Labour (RST). Unlike the PT, the RST will be based on the principle of collective membership, which will allow trade unions to become part of the new body.
Work will have to continue in order to strengthen the Party of Labour. The question of a fusion between the PT and the SPT has in essence been decided, and at the local level the process of unifying the two organisations has already begun.
Whatever the prospects of the Russian Union of Labour might amount to, the bloc will not become a real political force unless it includes organisations based on individual membership. Such organisations therefore have a role to play. The radicalisation of society, the growth of discontent and the general disappointment with capitalist experiments indicate that in the near future the forces of the left will come to play a substantial role in developments in Russia.