In March, Indonesia’s House of Representatives (DPR) amended Law Number 34/2004 on the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) giving the military a greater role in civilian affairs. Green Left’s Peter Boyle spoke to Ignatius Mahendra Kusumawardhana from Perserikatan Sosialis (Socialist Union), one of the left groups involved in the youth-led protests against a return to the former Suharto dictatorship era’s notorious “dual function” policy for the military.
What are the military’s new powers and what is their political significance?
The previous TNI law limited the involvement of the military to 10 ministries and institutions. In 2023, there were 2569 active TNI soldiers in civil service positions. However, in the revised law, the range of civil service positions that can be held by active TNI soldiers has been expanded. This was done by adding the phrase “as well as other ministries/agencies that require the manpower and expertise of active military personnel in accordance with the President's policy” [to the law].
Military operations other than war (OMSP) no longer require a state political decision. Previously, OMSP had to be based on a presidential decision with the consideration of the parliament. However, now OMSP only requires the government to inform the parliament.
This provision legitimises and justifies existing illegal practices where the military has already begun to be involved in the implementation of government programs, such as land reclamation projects, food security, safeguarding “National Strategic Projects” and others.
Even more seriously, in the context of OMSP assisting local government tasks, the explanation of the revised TNI law states that the military can be involved in, among other things, infrastructure development, strikes and conflicts. This will legitimise military involvement in labour issues.
The revised law removes the ban on TNI members engaging in business activities.
In cases of violations of criminal and civil laws by TNI personnel, they will only be subject to military judicial authority. This will hinder the rule of law as it generally applies. It will also exempt soldiers from criminal liability for acts committed while holding civilian positions. The general judiciary will be unable to oversee the proceedings so there will be less independence, transparency and accountability to the public and media.
Was there anything illegal about the way these laws were changed?
Revision of the TNI Law was not on the agenda of the DPR plenary session on February 18. However, unexpectedly, Deputy Speaker Adies Kadir (of the Golkar Party Faction) requested that members of the DPR present at the session approve the inclusion of the TNI Law Revision as part of the 2025 Priority Legislative Program (Prolegnas).
But the TNI Law Revision was not included in the 12 carry-over bills as stipulated in the 2025 Prolegnas or the 2025–29 (medium-term) Prolegnas. Therefore, the revision of the TNI Law should have first gone through a planning and drafting stage before going to the discussion and approval stage.
This deliberately excluded public participation and accountability. All draft documents related to the revision of the TNI Law — including the law itself — were not accessible to the public.
In addition, meetings to formulate the TNI Law Revision by the DPR and the government were held secretly at the exclusive luxury Fairmont Hotel.
There were reports of protests in more than 72 cities against these new military powers. How significant were these protests and what are their main demands?
In general, mass actions rejected the revision of the TNI Law. Many actions spoke of the dangers of the TNI's dual function or the dangers of military interference in civilian life and called for a return of the military to their barracks.
However, demands related to more foundational aspects of militarism have not been widely raised. Demands such as dissolving territorial commands, holding generals accountable for human rights violations, or seizing business assets and cutting military budgets have not been widely addressed in these protests.
In these actions, we also still see efforts by several groups, especially campus organisations (including the religious Cipayung Plus) and NGOs, to engage in dialogue, seek assistance and establish agreements with members of the government or other politicians to reject (or revoke) the TNI Law.
The call for “civilian supremacy” has been widely raised.
This indicates that anti-militarism awareness is not yet fully developed in the movement, which holds on to the illusion that civilian political elites want to uphold democracy or anti-militarism. This also indicates the need for revolutionary organisations to guide the movement.
Prabowo’s supporters have justified the deployment of military personnel for policy projects with the argument of efficiency and effective coordination. What is the real situation?
Military involvement in the civilian sphere is generally destructive. The overthrow of Sukarno [in 1966] and the establishment of the New Order Military Regime destroyed the process of nation building in Indonesia that had been underway since the 1920s.
The military “unified” Indonesia at gunpoint. At the same time, it carried out de-ideologisation, depoliticisation and de-organisation of the entire Indonesian people.
The 32-year New Order Military Regime also resulted in economic collapse, national division, corruption, collusion and nepotism.
Earlier, in 1957, the military seized foreign companies that had been nationalised by the working class, but by 1963 it was clear that there was mismanagement and corruption in the companies taken over by the military.
Other experiences also demonstrated the military’s failures, such as the 2015 Upsus Pajale (Special Effort to Increase Rice, Corn, and Soybean Production) and the Food Estate program started under former President Joko Widodo’s rule.
Has the military situation in West Papua worsened under Prabowo’s rule?
The military situation in Papua is extremely urgent. Currently, large-scale military operations are being carried out in the mountainous regions. Areas such as Nduga, Puncak Jaya, Intan Jaya, Oksibil, Dogiyai and Wamena are all under military control.
There are no official figures on the number of troops currently deployed in Papua, but the Cartenz Peace Task Force, among others, is conducting military operations in the region.
Recently, five young men in Dogiyai were shot without having committed any wrongdoing. Similarly, Pastor Wandagau and a woman named Hetina Mirip in Sugapa District, Intan Jaya, were also killed.
Children have also become victims. An infant who was forced to flee due to military operations died in Intan Jaya. Some 200 people have recently fled, adding to the long list of refugees across Papua.
The military is also establishing new posts in newly opened administrative regions. For example, the Pioneer Battalion was established in Maybrat, South Sorong and others. Everywhere — on the streets, in malls, at schools, in offices in West Papua — all you see is military, military and more military.
The latest incident involved the military occupying the UNCEN campus [Cenderawasih University campus in Jayapura] in May 2025. Armed with combat weapons and tactical armoured vehicles, they occupied UNCEN for several days. This occurred in a major city and on a campus protected by law. This does not include churches and schools that have been repurposed as military posts. From Sorong to Merauke, the situation is the same.