Kenya: Rigged election triggers 'tribal' violence

Issue 

The blatantly rigged election victory by Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki in the December 27 presidential election triggered nationwide violence that took place largely along ethnic lines.

Targeted in much of the violence were members of Kibaki's Kikuyu group. While only 22% of Kenya's 37-million-strong population is Kikuyu, they hold most top government positions under Kibaki.

The violence has been explained in the mainstream media as "tribal" warfare that inexplicably erupted in what had been one of Africa's most "stable" countries. In fact, violence has long been central to Kenyan politics, beginning under brutal colonial rule that one author described as "Britain's Gulag", a reference to Joseph Stalin's prison camps in the Soviet Union.

The British-dominated Kenya by initially promoting a Kikuyu elite, but then repressed the majority of the Kikuyu brutally during the so-called Mau Mau nationalist rebellion of the 1950s, prior to Kenya's independence in 1963.

State violence was also central under Daniel Arap Moi, who ran a corrupt one-party state from 1978 until 1992. He lasted another decade in office under "democratic" rule before being eased out under pressure from Britain and the US, making way for the election of Kibaki, who had served for a time as vice-president.

Kibaki, an economist with a reputation as a liberal reformer, continued the same corrupt practices and political cronyism of the Moi years, simply changing the recipients of state largess.

A tiny minority of Kikuyu with government connections benefited from the economic boom of recent years, which was driven by a rise in the price of food and raw materials as well as tourism. Significantly, Moi — who hasn't been prosecuted for corruption — endorsed Kibaki for re-election.

The resulting class polarisation — along with an increase in police violence in the name of fighting gangs in the slums — set the stage for the explosion of political violence. The Kikuyu, who are disproportionately represented in business and commercial life, became the scapegoats for class inequality.

While Kibaki appealed to the Kikuyu, his challenger, Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), blended a populist appeal with anti-Kikuyu sentiment and made appeals for ethnic solidarity to his own Luo group.

The result was that anger over Kibaki's stolen election quickly turned into violence against the Kikuyu, including the small traders in the informal economy in Nairobi's Kibera slum, where an estimated 600,000 live in tin and cardboard shacks.

The ethnic violence also swept Mombasa, with the centre of nightlife looted and destroyed in the coastal city that is popular with tourists and therefore crucial to the Kenyan economy. The worst violence took place the Rift Valley to the west, where the Kikuyu are a small minority and have historically had tensions with other ethnic groups over land.

After the election, tens of thousands of Kikuyu saw their homes destroyed as members of the Kalenjin group attacked them with machetes. An estimated 50 people were burned alive in a church.

Many of the killings, however, also took place at the hands of police and other security forces, who repressed supporters of Odinga's ODM. Odinga called on his backers to mount a mass protest January 3, but heavy police repression prevented the demonstration from taking place.

The US and Britain were taken by surprise by the violence. The US State Department was initially ready to accept Kibaki's claim to victory, even though his win came because of a last-minute surge of votes. A Kibaki victory, moreover, was completely against the trend in parliamentary elections, which gave Odinga's ODM nearly half the seats and an effective majority.

Nevertheless, the US and Britain were prepared to accept all this to keep Kibaki in office. His government had helped the US-backed Ethiopian invasion of neighbouring Somalia last year by arresting supposed Islamist politicians among Somali war refugees. Some 17 native-born Kenyans have also been flown out of the country as part of the CIA "rendition" program into Ethiopia. Another was sent to Guantanamo Bay.

Kenya's Muslims — about 10% of the population — are outraged by this, and Odinga's decision to court their votes seems to be another reason for Washington's support for Kibaki.

Odinga, however, isn't the populist firebrand he appeared to be during the campaign. Son of the famous liberation fighter Odinga Odinga, Raila Odinga is a former socialist who studied mechanical engineering in East Germany in the late 1960s. He was a political prisoner under Moi for six years in the 1980s for supposedly taking part in a 1982 coup attempt.

In 2001, he went to work for his former jailer, Moi, serving as energy minister. In that post, he made lucrative oil industry connections, according to the Kenya Environmental & Political News blog. His family also acquired a state-owned molasses factory at that time. Since then, Odinga has been known for displaying his wealth.

Odinga and Kibaki formed a united front against Moi's chosen successor in the 2002 elections, reportedly with the expectation that Odinga would become prime minister. When the deal fell apart, Odinga resigned and led the opposition to a 2005 constitutional reform that would have extended Kibaki's presidential powers. That set the stage for the 2007 vote.

Now, widespread violence has exposed the ugly reality behind Kenyan "democracy".

"It is the Kenyan people who have lost in these elections", wrote Firoze Manji, a Kenyan and editor of the London-based Pambazuka e-mail newsletter on African politics. "It boils down to a fight over who has access to the honey pot that is the state ... So the battle lines are reduced to which group of people are going to be chosen to fill their pockets—and citizens are left to decide perhaps that a few crumbs might fall off the table in their direction."

[Abridged from Socialist Worker, weekly paper of the US International Socialist Organization. Visit <http://www.socialistworker.org>.]

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