United States: Is the right on the rise?


In a rambling 40-minute speech crafted to appeal to every Fox News devotee in the room, former Alaska governor and 2008 Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin told the February 6 National Tea Party convention held in Nashville, Tennessee that the US was "ready for another revolution".

Make no mistake: Palin is planning a run for the White House in 2012. Despite her "anti-establishment" and "plain folks" persona, she's already pulling together a machine staffed with Washington insiders.

Palin has caused a buzz. Journalists who thought she was a political corpse after her terrible performance in 2008 now think she's the heir apparent to an ascending conservative movement.

Palin's appearance at the Tea Party convention lent a certain credibility to the proceedings, which had up to that point featured knuckle-draggers like racist former Republican Colorado representative Tom Tancredo.

The moderate conservative and Obama-supporting blogger Andrew Sullivan didn't like what he saw. Writing on February 7, he referred alternately to US fascists in the 1930s, military-connected populism in Argentina and Adolph Hitler's rhetorical devices.

It's been clear for months that the Democrats are in for a world of hurt in the 2010 congressional elections. Being the party in government during the worst recession in more than half a century, they will face a backlash from voters who are tired of waiting for help from Washington.

What's more, they have spent most of their time in the majority disappointing their most loyal supporters.

But whether Democratic losses will signal an enduring comeback for the right is another matter.

The anti-Obama tea party "movement" has been largely a way for the existing Republican "base" to reorganise itself, with some help from pro-corporate Washington lobbyists.

The squabbling "tea party" factions managed to mobilise hundreds of thousands of people in various actions, but it's unlikely that they have reached too far beyond the ranks of already committed conservatives.

The true believers may think they're trying to spark a "revolution", but the people behind the movement are trying to pour the old wine of discredited conservatism into new bottles.

Max Pappas, vice president for policy at the conservative FreedomWorks thinktank, wrote in a leaked memo on fiscal policy: "Bush's 'Wall Street Bailout' was the spark that lit the Tea Party grassfire ... and the Obama administration has so far been successful in continuing to increase the ties between Wall Street and Washington, while at the same time demonising bankers for political gain.

"This presents a big opportunity for the right to throw off the image of being owned by business interests when what we really support are free markets."

These are the words of a professional Washington lobbyist who earns a salary from money donated by big business. It gives the lie to the idea that the tea partiers represent some "new force" in politics.

Nevertheless, the more emboldened right wing is not a negligible force. It doesn't come close to a majority in the country, but the solid 25-30% of the electorate that does support it can exert an influence in at least preventing government action it doesn't want.

It's important to realise, however, that it isn't a monolithic bloc. Only about 10% of the population holds extreme right-wing views (though that's still 30 million people!).

Another 10-15% are more mainstream Republican voters whose views have shifted right-ward under the pressure of economic devastation.

Because of the economic, and then political, caused by the recession, they are being pushed into an alliance with more extreme elements.

But Sara Robinson, writing on the liberal Campaign for America's Future site on January 28, said this alliance is receiving a boost from "the Democrats' continued fecklessness in clearly communicating the coherent moral values at the heart of the progressive world view; and their extreme reluctance to support any kind of progressive populist agenda".

"Everybody knows now that there's a rising populist tide in America. Average Americans, left and right, are uniting behind an implacable fury at the big banks — and at Congress and Obama, who seem determined to enable criminal behavior rather than make any serious attempt to control it ...

"We're seeing the signs of political climate change all around us. But most of the [Washington establishment] still regards any kind of populism as a dangerous (and avoidable) impulse. 'Responsible' consultants are cautioning Democrats not to get out front of that wave and ride it ...

"It's going to be the biggest missed opportunity since ... oh, damn, it's hard to say, since the Democrats have already missed so many big ones that it's hard to keep track.

"But this one could, in the end, trump them all."

The constant in the analyses of the conservative Pappas and the liberal Robinson is the Democrats' continued association with bailed-out Wall Street.

If the right is able to recover from its debacle in 2008, it will be in no small measure due to the failures of the party that received the majority of contributions from big business and Wall Street in 2008 — the Democrats.

Robinson advises Democrats to adopt a more aggressive pro-populist, pro-working-class stance as a way to put a wedge between the two groups of conservatives now unifying around anti-incumbent sentiment.

That's good advice as far as it goes, but it's directed at the wrong audience. If the current Democratic Party super-majority is unwilling to advocate for widely popular measures, like publicly supported health insurance, they aren't likely to adopt populist measures in self-defence.

The people who could make a difference, though, are unionists and other ordinary people who take the opportunity of the current economic situation to organise in defence of working people's rights.

The same political polarisation that is driving millions to the right is also driving millions to the left. If those leftward-moving millions aren't organised to present some sort of alternative to the Democratic-dominated status quo, then the rise of the right will become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

[Abridged from US Socialist Worker.]

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