Comment by Ray Fulcher (File No 890124)
MELBOURNE — Revelations that Victoria has a "secret police" unit that spies on community and political groups should come as no surprise to activists or students of history.
The Kennett government and Victorian police have attempted to justify spying on people's legal activities by referring to threats of "criminal activity", "terrorism" and "extremists", and the need to protect the community and unwitting "genuine organisations" from these elements. This is why police infiltrated a children's "Teddy Bears' Picnic" organised to protest cuts to child-care.
How can political parties and campaign organisations defend themselves against politically motivated state interference? Should we ruthlessly screen everybody who wants to join our organisations and create a paranoid atmosphere in the name of "security"? Not if we want to grow, expand our influence and draw new activists into our organisations and campaigns.
The recent revelations demonstrate that any movement organising for social change may be targeted for infiltration by police agents, who can act as agents provocateurs. The socialist movement has long experience with police harassment and disruption and has learned how to deal with it.
For a revolutionary party, the main defence against police spies and provocateurs is internal democracy and discipline, referred to as "democratic centralism". Once an issue has been fully debated and a course of action decided upon, it is the duty of all members to carry out the decision. This leaves little leeway for disruption by police agents.
The most famous example was the case of Roman Malinovsky, the leader of the Russian Bolsheviks' parliamentary group prior to World War I; he was also a police agent. Although his activity led to the deaths of Bolshevik activists, he was unable to discredit or disrupt the Bolsheviks.
In fact, he became one of their best orators, espousing Bolshevik politics in the tsar's parliament. Through democratic centralism, every time Malinovsky strayed, even marginally, from Bolshevik policy, he was brought into line.
The Democratic Socialist Party had a similar experience in the 1970s, when it was infiltrated by Max Wechsler, an ASIO agent. Like all party members, Wechsler had to sell Direct Action, the DSP's paper, building the party and disseminating socialist ideas. He had to help build a successful protest against the shah of Iran.
He was unable to act as an agent provocateur because, like all DSP members, he had to carry out the democratic decisions of the party.
Unable to find any "dirt" or proof of "terrorism", only open legal activity, Wechsler fabricated a lurid tale that even the capitalist press couldn't believe.
While campaign groups differ from political parties, the same principles apply. Open discussion of ideas and plans for action, followed by a disciplined implementation of majority decisions is the best (and most democratic) way of guarding against secret police provocations. Groups or individuals who believe it is their right to ignore the democratic decisions of the movement open the door for police provocateurs.
We may not be able to stop them from spying on us, but we can make it damn hard for them to disrupt or discredit us. It just takes a little democracy and discipline.
[Ray Fulcher, a member of the DSP and a former spokesperson for the No More Hiroshimas Coalition, is among those spied upon by the Victorian police.]