By Francois Vercammen
In September, Gerhard Schröder promised that German troops would go outside Germany only with a UN mandate. But the chancellor used the recent Social Democratic Party (SPD) congress to block a left-wing motion opposing a NATO ground war in Yugoslavia. Schröder imposed a motion approving the bombing campaign.
In response, the SPD left went public with its opposition. Federations in Bremen, Schleswig-Holstein and Munich issued proclamations, as did the "Frankfurt circle" and eight members of parliament, including Andrea Nahles, president of the party's youth wing. Former minister Oskar Lafontaine also condemned the war.
In Britain, 11 Labour deputies, mostly from the "Campaign Group" voted against the government on April 19. Most are very anti-NATO but say little about Milosevic's regime and its Kosova policy.
The other wing of the traditional socialist left, led by former London mayor Ken Livingstone, are outspoken supporters of the NATO bombings. Some have compared Milosevic to Hitler.
In the cultural world, those condemning NATO include New Left Review, writer Harold Pinter, film-maker Ken Loach and feminist Germaine Greer.
The Scottish Nationalist Party is opposed to the war.
French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin has had little difficulty containing dissidents in the Socialist Party. The Gauche socialiste current has spoken out against the NATO bombing and in favour of Kosovar rights. But it focuses criticism on "US tutorship" rather than on France's government.
Jean-Pierre Chevenement's Citizens' Movement, a dissident faction outside the Socialist Party, has a much clearer anti-war position.
In Italy, the first to speak out against the bombings were the Refounded Communists (PRC) and the pope. Centre-left Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema has manoeuvred hard to maintain elite consensus and public support for the intervention.
One hundred and nineteen of Italy's 630 MPs have demanded a NATO cease-fire, opposed a ground intervention and condemned ethnic cleansing — though stressing their "loyal and total support for the government".
Spain's social democrats (PSOE) support the conservative government's intervention. Only three PSOE MPs, from the Socialist Left current, abstained in the vote approving Spanish participation in the NATO campaign.
Greens
In the face of ethnic cleansing, many Greens have theorised the need for a "humanitarian war". But there is a clear distinction between those who are confused, and those who have consciously decided to join the establishment.
German Greens leader Joschka Fischer is at the centre of the imperialist government. Many members and local leaders are leaving the party.
Seven Green deputies voted against military intervention on March 26. Environment minister Gila Altman criticised German participation in the NATO aggression. In Tübingen, Green leader Claudia Haydt has resigned. Some of these anti-war Greens have since joined the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS).
France's Greens are a solid component of Jospin's coalition government. Party spokesperson Daniel Cohn-Bendit and MP Noel Mamere are NATO's most jingoistic supporters. More than 70% of National Committee members approved a resolution calling for the transformation of Kosova into a protectorate.
The party was totally opposed to the Gulf War, so this shift in policy is provoking widespread unease among members.
Italy's Green MPs have all signed the statement demanding a cease-fire and threaten to walk out of the D'Alema government "next time".
The war comes at an inconvenient time for Belgian greens. With regional, national and European elections in June, both the French-speaking Ecolos and the Dutch-speaking Agalev were preparing to enter national and regional government as junior coalition partners.
Green leaders were silent in the parliamentary debate on the war; the government didn't allow a vote on participation in the NATO campaign.
At the start of the NATO bombing, Belgian greens supported what they called a "humanitarian intervention." But traditional anti-war sentiments have reasserted themselves. Ecolo is now calling for "an end to the bombing, linked to the simultaneous withdrawal of Serbian forces and the militias of the Kosovo Liberation Army", though none of the party's MPs has signed this statement. On April 2, Agalev spokesman Van Dienderen called for an unconditional halt to NATO activity.
Communist parties
For some Communists, the war and Milosevic's regime are the last act of the death agony of Stalinism. Italy's former CP strongman Armando Cossuta, now a minister in the centre-left government, made a pathetic trip to France, Berlin, Moscow and Belgrade in a futile attempt to unify CP leaders and mediate between Milosevic and the West.
There are remnants of "either NATO or Milosevic" Cold War thinking in most of Europe's CPs, as well as nostalgia for "actually existing socialism". But there seems to be little consensus or appetite for coordinated activities. The Greek KKE is the most militant and anti-NATO, and the French Communist party the most hesitant.
The KKE has always been pro-Milosevic, even supporting the notorious ethnic cleansers Arkan and Karadzic. But the party's large implantation has enabled it to play a decisive role in mass demonstrations against the war. Soldiers and sailors have refused to be mobilised. There have been occupations of airports and blockades of US ships in Greek ports.
All of the French CP's criticism of NATO is balanced by statements that the party is absolutely committed to remaining in the Jospin government.
After successful political mobilisations against the NATO bombings, with demonstrations of 40-80,000, the Italian PRC is well placed to organise any future protests against the war.
The communist-inspired newspaper Il Manifesto has played a very positive role in building the impressive Rome demonstrations. Leading columnist Rosanna Rossanda has urged Italian soldiers to disobey any orders to participate in a ground war.
Spain's United Left (IU) has opposed the war in parliament and in the streets. But one wing supports Milosevic, while the other demands respect for Kosovar democratic rights.
The practical consequence of the pro-Milosevic line was an unsuccessful attempt to organise a separate anti-war demonstration, so as to split a broader anti-bombing, pro-Kosova demonstration.
Germany's PDS opposes the war and NATO, and criticises Milosevic's anti-democratic regime and expulsion of Kosova Albanians. But party leader Gregor Gysi rushed to Belgrade for talks with Milosevic. His handshake with the Serbian leader was very badly received by the PDS base.
At the European level, the PDS is inviting left parties to support a United Nations intervention and a cease-fire by both Serbian and Kosovar forces. The plan says nothing about a right of return for expelled Kosovars.
[Abridged from International Viewpoint. Special low rates (for new subscribers only) Australia $35: Cheques payable to Solidarity Publications, PO Box A105, Sydney South, NSW 2000.]