May 20 is the 20th anniversary of the formation of Fretilin (Frente Revolucionara do Timor Leste Independente), the largest East Timorese party struggling for independence from Indonesian rule. Its formation in 1974 was motivated by the fall of the Caetano dictatorship in Portugal and the example of African liberation movements fighting against Portuguese colonial rule.
Fretilin and UDT (Timorese Democratic Union), as new parties favouring independence, gained support from the rapidly politicised Timorese people. The more radical program of Fretilin, based on immediate independence and policies of social and economic justice, made it the leading party in East Timor by the beginning of 1975.
Following an unsuccessful attempt by UDT to seize power, Fretilin's strength and support were further consolidated. During this period military incursions from Indonesia increased. Fretilin proclaimed the formation of the Democratic Republic of East Timor on November 28. In the early hours of December 8, Indonesian forces invaded.
Fretilin has continued the struggle for independence, as have the Timorese people as a whole. The membership of Fretilin abroad held a crucial plenary meeting from April 9 to 15 in Lisbon to discuss questions of organisation and strategy.
The meeting elected Fretilin's Central Council of External Delegates, Jose Lues Guterres as its chairperson and two deputies. Alfredo Ferreira and Estanislau da Silva were elected to the Central Council as representatives from Australia. Jon Land of Green Left Weekly spoke to da Silva about the decisions made and the current situation in East Timor.
What is the significance of the recent meeting?
This has been the most important meeting of Fretilin abroad since 1975. For the first time we have elected a leadership involving delegates from Fretilin committees all over: Australia (Darwin, Perth Sydney and Melbourne), Angola, Mozambique and Portugal. Representatives also came from London.
Debate was open to more members of Fretilin. For the first time, Fretilin committees were able to democratically elect their own delegates to be sent to the plenary. The opening ceremony was attended by representatives of various Portuguese parties, Jose Ramos Horta, special representative for CNRM (the National Council of Maubere Resistance), and greetings were received from UDT.
The plenary confirmed the expulsion of former Fretilin leader abroad, Abilio Araujo, who had been suspended since 1983. The decision to suspend Araujo was sent to East Timor, and all of the Fretilin committees there were consulted before the decision was ratified. Araujo had made decisions unilaterally; he wanted to be leader for life. So his expulsion was a very important part of reaffirming the democratic principles and organisation of Fretilin.
Apart from the elections of a new chairperson and Central Council, what were some of the other decisions and projections made by the plenary?
One of the main points of discussion was how to structure Fretilin to respond better to changes in the world political arena, how to better disseminate information from Fretilin within East Timor through the external Fretilin committees and the implementation of Fretilin policies more broadly through our international work.
Another decision of major importance was to take steps to hold a national convention of East Timorese, possibly in Australia, within the next two years. This would be a meeting broader than Fretilin and Fretilin supporters. We are currently negotiating with UDT and other Timorese groups the appropriate location and framework for the convention.
The plenary also discussed the formation of a Council of Elders. This is basically in response to the destruction of East Timorese culture since the invasion by Indonesia. It will play a consultative role and allow discussion and debate to be broader, involving both Fretilin and Fretilin supporters.
In terms of negotiations, what issues did the plenary discuss?
Fretilin has its own peace proposals which were published a few years ago. We endorse Xanana's proposals for negotiations without preconditions. The implementation of this or any other proposal has to be done through a referendum. Only the people of East Timor can choose what they want. We will explore whatever avenues of action and negotiation it will require to achieve this goal.
There is a negotiating body, composed of Fretilin, UDT and the special representative of CNRM, Jose Ramos Horta. This body will work on a document which will be discussed by the leadership of Fretilin and UDT, in order to formulate a working document for negotiation. The Fretilin chairperson and two deputies have a mandate to negotiate on behalf of Fretilin with UDT and Horta.
In the recent fourth round of meetings in Geneva at the UN, the Indonesian foreign minister indicated that the Indonesian government would be prepared to meet with East Timorese leaders who are against integration.
We know that Indonesia is doing everything in order to stagnate the situation. But then this is an official public statement, and for the first time they have accepted to negotiate with East Timorese leaders who want independence. At the same time, though, they say that they also have to negotiate with Timorese who are pro-Indonesia. So it is a sort of game they are playing in order to maintain the status quo.
Indonesia itself is facing internal problems, and there is uncertainty in terms of the leadership of Indonesia after Suharto. Suharto wants to retire with an image as an important leader in the region. It's possible his regime is trying to find a compromise solution for the situation. We have to wait and see how far they will go.
Ultimately, there will be no solution without East Timorese representatives — not just Fretilin but all East Timorese groups.
What is the current situation in East Timor and the state of the armed resistance?
In terms of the resistance, we have made clear since the invasion by Indonesia that we would resist in several ways. We have armed resistance and also cultural resistance. Abroad we are struggling on the diplomatic front. Our representatives have been working to counter the Indonesian propaganda and persuade other governments to support and recognise the sovereignty of East Timor.
In East Timor at the moment, nothing has changed. Indonesia has been carrying out an exercise to relieve international pressure. The journalists and some representatives of human rights groups who have been allowed to visit East timor recently have been used by the Indonesian government to do this.
People are still being arrested and tortured. Anyone suspected of being a Fretilin sympathiser is harassed and assaulted by Indonesian soldiers — this happened twice to Father Augustine in January.
Many people were arrested and detained after the journalists left. They say that only a few people have been arrested, but this is not true. Even Bishop Belo has made lengthy statements that there is no freedom in East Timor.
The armed resistance is still very much alive, even though we acknowledge it is a small unit. It is still causing a lot of problems for the Indonesian armed forces. This can be seen by the number of Indonesian soldiers being maintained, despite statements that troop numbers would be reduced. There are at least eight battalions comprising 30,000 personnel, plus additional intelligence, security and police officers. Even the foreign observers, whenever they visit always say there is an "unusual" presence of military forces.
The resistance is still very significant in terms of pressure on the Indonesian authorities. With regards to logistics and arms, it is not very much — but in terms of political pressure it still plays an important role.
International solidarity has played a major role in raising the issue of East Timor. What activities do you think are important for the solidarity movement here in Australia to carry out?
What we would like to see is more support for the East Timorese political organisations here in Australia. As a member of Fretilin, I would like more support for Fretilin — in terms of the whole resistance it is important also to support other East Timorese parties.
We have the experience of 20 years of struggle. The history of Fretilin is very much entwined with the struggle of the people for liberation.
We would also like to see the Australian solidarity movement intensify its activities — lobbying of politicians, government and other institutions. They can apply pressure to the Australian government to play an important role in the settlement of this issue. Of course there is the question of the Timor Gap Treaty as well. In whose interest is this development taking place?
It is also very important to mobilise the Australian people in support of East Timor. We would like to see demonstrations for peace in East Timor to have as many people as possible. That too will put a lot of pressure on the government.
We would also like to see the formation of more coordinated national actions of the East Timor support groups, for events like November 12 [anniversary of the 1991 Dili massacre]. It would also improve the impact of lobbying efforts. Local activities combined in a national approach can be highly effective for solidarity work.