By Natalie Zirngast
The classified version of the 1997 Australian defence policy document, leaked in the August 3 edition of the Bulletin, details a return to "forward defence". While the unclassified version made veiled references to concerns about strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the classified document refers to the "need" to be prepared for "operations in north-east Asia".
This means the Australian military will be preparing to act as a "mini United States" in the region; that is, to stand beside the US in its role as an imperialist bully. The document, which outlines defence projections for the next 15 years, changes previous policy, which focused more on defending Australia's coastline. This change has been made by stealth; here was no opportunity for public discussion.
Some hints of the change were given in the unclassified version. In a media release on December 2, defence minister Ian McLachlan commented, "The defence of Australia doesn't begin at our shoreline. Indeed, our strategic geography dictates that we should plan on more pro-active operations which focus on defeating attacks in our maritime and air approaches before they reach Australian territory ... Australia's future security and prosperity is increasingly dependent on that of the wider Asia-Pacific region."
There are no countries in the region that have posed a military threat to Australia since World War II. So, what is the rationale behind the change in policy? The key to it is the concept of "regional stability".
'Stability'
The Australian defence force exists to ensure there will be no threat to imperialist interests in the Asian region, and also to protect Australian business interests. The recent actions of the US-led NATO forces in the former Yugoslavia show the type of intervention that might be expected.
As well as being a show of military might, the US intervention caused the mass exodus of Kosovars, allowed the partition of Kosova to commence and destroyed any possibility of Kosovar self-determination for the near future. Under the guise of "humanitarian" bombing, the US acted to prevent the possibility of economic and political changes which were detrimental to their interests in that region.
In the Asia-Pacific region, China and North Korea have both been identified by the US as potential adversaries. It is not out of the question that the US would request Australia's assistance in any military action against these countries. Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and countries in the South Pacific are also seen by the US and Australian governments as likely trouble spots.
The political instability in Indonesia and East Timor has been the rationale for the recent expansion of Australia's "ready deployment force", based in Darwin and Townsville, from 3000 to 6000. This force is on alert, ready to be deployed with 28 days' notice.
A $100 million catamaran has been leased to move troops to Indonesia if required. The army web site stated on May 4, "The expansion of the ready deployment force has been undertaken in response to regional instability but does not indicate that the government believes there is a direct military threat to Australia".
Indonesia and East Timor
For the last two decades, Australia's main strategic and economic relationship in the region was with the Suharto dictatorship in Indonesia. Despite that regime's abuse of human rights, successive Australian governments, Labor and Liberal, provided arms and training to the Indonesian military (ABRI). Australia's foreign minister Alexander Downer claimed that this close relationship helped make the Indonesian military more "professional" and aware of human rights.
There is no evidence of this. Thousands of people throughout Indonesia, East Timor, West Papua and Aceh have had their lives and communities destroyed by ABRI's activities. ABRI continues to terrorise people in East Timor, and through its sponsorship and control of the pro-integration paramilitaries, hopes to force a vote against independence in the referendum at the end of August.
Within Indonesia, even after the June 7 elections, pro-democracy demonstrators are being arrested, beaten, tortured and shot.
Despite this, the Australian government continues to provide military training to Indonesia, which is one of six nations participating in the "Kakadu 4/99" naval exercises being held from August 2-22 near Darwin in the Timor Sea. The exercises are designed to increase "inter-operability" between regional navies and air forces and the Australian Defence Force.
A close relationship between the Australian and Indonesian militaries is still considered by Australian government to be important to maintain Australia's political influence in the region. Because it believes that the Indonesian military is central to any political change in the region, it refuses to call for Indonesia's withdrawal from East Timor or to openly criticise the military's human rights abuses.
The Australian ruling class benefits from the occupation of East Timor through the Timor Gap oil treaty it signed with Indonesia in 1989. The Timor Gap, being part of one of the best deep water tunnels between the Pacific and Indian Oceans, also has a strategic significance for the Australian and US navies. Ensuring access to this channel has been part of both countries' support over the years for Indonesia's occupation of East Timor. If the East Timorese vote for independence, both Australia and the US will have a clear interest in being able to influence the new government.
Solidarity, not nationalism
The changes in Australia's defence policy have nothing to do with any direct threats to national security — there aren't any. Rather, it is a move towards a more interventionist approach by Australian imperialism. Under the guise of looking after the "national interest", the Australian government wants to be in a better position to force agreement from other countries to meet the needs of Australian business in the region. These are the"national interests" the government is serving: the interests of the capitalists who want to get the best deal for themselves, regardless of human rights or environmental impacts.
The Australian government's move toward a "forward defence" policy should be rejected for what it is: warmongering. Instead, we should demand that the government cut all military, economic and diplomatic ties with Indonesia, Burma and other military dictatorships and that Australia's "defence" budget be slashed to zero, with the money freed up being directed to aid which meets the needs of the mass of people in the region.
To win these demands, the people in Australia need to build solidarity with all those striving for a better life in countries such Indonesia, East Timor and Burma.
[Natalie Zirngast is the Darwin organiser for Resistance.]