In 1983 JONGSOAE OH worked as a milling machine operator in the Hyundai Engine Industry Company in Seoul, South Korea. He often worked 430 hours per month and had few, if any, annual holidays. Twenty-four-hour shifts on Sundays, followed by a Monday night shift, were not uncommon.
In 1987, Jongsoae formed an independent trade union at his workplace. Previously, workers averaged annual wage increases of 3-4%, but the new union struggled for and won a 15% annual increase. Within 12 months of becoming active on the job, Jongsoae was sacked.
Formerly president of the Hyundai group Trade Union Federation (HTUF), Jongsoae is currently a member of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU). Green Left Weekly's JAMES VASSILOPOULOS spoke to him about the current workers' struggle in his country.
Question: What is the history, membership and structure of the KCTU?
The KCTU is the union federation made up of independent unions, formed in 1987. We cover 430,000 workers in major industries like metalwork, telecommunications, shipbuilding and the Hyundai group of companies. The average member of the KCTU is 35-45 years old and has been employed for 10 years. Most of our members are men.
Underneath the KCTU are 13 federations comprising more than 300 enterprise unions. The delegates from the enterprise unions elect representatives to both their federations and the KCTU.
The most important part of the union structure is the workplace delegate structure. KCTU representatives can decide to strike, but nothing will occur unless the workplace delegates support the decision. The current general strike was called by the workplace delegates.
Below the delegates are sub-delegates, who communicate with and organise 10 members at a workplace.
Question: How does the KCTU's illegal status affect organising?
Whether the KCTU is legal or illegal, the structure would remain the same. If the KCTU became legal, it could influence the legal enterprise unions. Half of the industry federations are legal, especially white collar unions, whilst others like the metalworkers' federation and the shipbuilders' federation are illegal.
Question: What is the relationship between the KCTU and the legal Federation of Korean Trade Unions?
The FKTU had a pro-government line under the dictatorship. The FKTU and its affiliated unions do not recognise the KCTU.
It decided to back the KCTU's call for a general strike because its base pushed the leadership to do so. Many workers will now follow the call to strike.
Question: What are the roots of the latest wave of labour radicalisation?
To understand this, you need to understand the general economic situation in South Korea. The economy has just begun to be restructured, which will mean mass lay-offs for workers. Labour-intensive industries will be restructured into more technological industries. Workers in their 40s will be especially badly affected. These workers were key to South Korea's industrialisation in the late 1970s. They worked very hard for this and now feel betrayed.
There is no social security system in South Korea. Unemployment is already at around 8%. Before the new labour law, retrenched workers would be given large pay-outs. Now workers are given only 45 days of pay.
Workers are also angry about flexible working hours, which will mean they work longer with no increase in pay — equivalent to a pay cut of 7-15%.
Question: Has there been public support for the strike?
Seventy-five per cent of Koreans oppose the labour law, and about 65% support the general strike.
Question: Does the union have a policy on the reunification of Korea or on the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
Within the KCTU there is a committee discussing reunification, and in some of the affiliated unions there are workers' groups called "Workers thinking about reunification".
Currently we have no policy on APEC. The present struggle has taken up the Korean union movement's time and energy, but after this we will fully participate in solidarity with other international unions to discuss APEC. There are no labour laws within APEC, so workers can intervene to get APEC to consider these laws.
Question: Is there a union strategy for intervening in the December national election?
There are three main positions within the KCTU. The first is to support an opposition party candidate. The second is to support an independent candidate from the unions, a KCTU delegate for example. The third is for all opposition forces to support one opposition candidate. After the current general strike, the KCTU will make a decision.
Question: What solidarity can workers, unionists and left parties give to Korean unionists?
Unions should send a delegation to investigate the Korean situation; this will help a lot. We also require financial assistance, as the government is making it harder for us to collect union dues and pay wages for striking workers. People can also send a protest letter to the South Korean government.
Donations can be sent to the Korean Community Coalition for the Support of the KCTU, c/- Jongsoae Oh, 14 First Avenue, Campsie NSW 2149. Protest letters can be sent to Kim Young-sam, President of the Republic of Korea, The Blue House (Chung-Wa-Dae), 1 Sejong-Ro, Jongro-Ku, Seoul 110-050, Republic of Korea; and to Ambassador Moon Dong, Dong-Suk, Embassy of the Republic of Korea, 113 Empire Circuit, Yarralumla ACT 2600.