Indonesia: anti-Suharto protests grow
A few Australian foreign correspondents in Jakarta, such as the Sydney Morning Herald's Louise Williams, are writing about "the mood turning" in Indonesia. Green Left Weekly asked MAX LANE, national coordinator of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor, about the latest news on anti-Suharto protests.
The mood has been turning since way back in June last year, when 20,000 people confronted the military near Jakarta Gambir railway station, and when thousands more demonstrated and then rioted on July 27.
Some 1.4 million people mobilised in Jakarta on May 14, shouting anti-government and anti-military slogans and calling for unity between Megawati and the Islamic party. All this, and the army finding it difficult to act for fear of sparking a general riot, seems to have further emboldened people. In 30 years of following Indonesian developments, I have never seen anything like it.
Question: But there don't seem to have been many big demonstrations lately.
Since August, perhaps even earlier, the number of local protests, often violent, has increased dramatically. This is obvious even from the establishment Jakarta press, let alone what is printed in underground media. The range of issues around which these protests are occurring is amazing.
Question: Such as?
There have been many factory strikes. The most well known, which did get some media attention here, was the one-day strike of 16,000 workers at the state-owned aircraft factory under the management of B.J. Habibie, minister for technology and research. Even after Habibie made some concessions, several hundred workers continued their strike for a second day.
There have been other big strikes, including one of 5000 workers in a textile plant and others in electronics and pharmaceutical plants. Recently some 5000 struck after 2000 workers were fired from Nike shoe producer Garuda Indawa Pty Ltd.
There have been many strikes in smaller factories, including occupations, or where managers were "detained" or even beaten up. Mostly workers have been angry over the unilateral extension of working hours for the same pay.
There have also been protests over the sacking of workers who led earlier strikes. Judging from newspaper reports alone, at least 40,000 workers have been involved in militant actions in the last few weeks. This is not counting the stay-away strikes, which hardly get reported.
Question: Is this unusual?
Most people involved in worker organising are saying that protest actions are at about the same level as last year. But I think their militancy has increased.
Beatings of personnel managers have happened before, but there seems to be more of this now. Certainly the dictatorship seems to be more concerned about it.
Referring specifically to worker unrest in East Java, Major General Djadja Suparman, army commander for East Java, recently called for greater cooperation among government agencies, including the government trade union, to stop the increasing protests, especially among public transport drivers.
"Eighty per cent of these", he said, "were organised by irresponsible elements". Suparman was worried about protests developing as the March 1998 Peoples Consultative Assembly sitting nears.
Question: He mentioned transport workers. What has been happening?
There have been strikes in a number of cities by transportation workers. In many cities, there are a lot of small cars, mini-vans, station wagons and motorised trishaws.
There have been one- and two-day strikes by drivers, sometimes crippling sections of major cities, in protest at the issuing of licences to new vehicles. Many people know that bribes are used: there is no planning and the number of cars outstrips demand.
Because drivers must pay a minimum rent to owners, any drop in passengers can leave them in debt. Many of these have staged big protests since the beginning of September. Last week, several hundred drivers protested in Ujung Pandang against the anarchic traffic situation.
The more violent actions have taken place in the urban poor sector, in both big cities like Jakarta and smaller towns.
Question: Are these racial in character?
The big demonstrations in July in Ujung Pandang were, in part, anti-Chinese. But even these riots, which lasted several days, developed into a protest against the regime, and numerous government buildings were burned down.
There is a danger of racial violence in some areas, especially where the traditional leaders of the communities refuse to give direction to the discontent. A case in point is in some areas of rural Java under the influence of the Nahdatul Ulama (NU), headed by Abdurahman Wahid.
Question: He is known as a liberal critic of the regime, isn't he?
Until recently, yes. Then, in the last elections, he allied himself with Suharto's daughter. Many anti-Chinese actions and church burnings have occurred in NU areas. Social discontent is very high in such poor areas, where there are high levels of unemployment and landlessness.
The people want to show their anger, but Wahid keeps urging them to wait for change. The result is that when they do protest, they hit the wrong targets.
Question: Have there been other urban poor and peasant actions that were not anti-Chinese?
Many. And around all kinds of issues. Water, for example. In Bandung, the major town of west Java, on August 13, almost 1000 local people attacked and destroyed 189 out of 400 private real estate homes. The attacks followed protests that the housing estate's plan to drill new wells would drain water away from the local village.
In October in south Jakarta, 32,000 people rallied in one subdistrict to protest about the lack of water and attacked local government offices. Water is becoming an increasingly premium commodity in Java.
There have also been clashes between peddlers and marketplace managers, including physical clashes with the security people. Long-time peddlers have been pushed away for new franchises.
In August in Bandung, at least 100 street stall peddlers clashed with police. The fighting lasted an hour and forced the city's main street to close.
There have been strikes by tobacco plantation workers over wages, fisher protests at local government and police offices because of the spread of mechanised trawlers, even villagers mobilising in big numbers to protest against radiation hazards from high tension electrical towers and cables.
Between October 12 and 16, more than 1000 high school students went on strike in Menado demanding the sacking of a corrupt headmaster. Hundreds of university students were on strike two weeks ago in Surabaya over rises in fees.
Hundreds of West Papuan students studying in Bandung held protests about the 450 people who have been reported as dying of hunger in West Papua. Similar protests have taken place in Jayapura, the capital of West Papua.
Two weeks ago, in the biggest demonstration for some years in the Sumatran provincial capital of Padang, hundreds of people protested against parliament's decision not to nominate candidates for governor who had been endorsed by local community and political organisations.
The most militant protests have been the attacks on police stations by people angry at the police either releasing somebody considered guilty, usually of murder or armed robbery, or arresting innocent people. In at least three cases, police stations have been gutted by fire.
Question: Does all this represent a political threat?
The situation will worsen because of the rise in prices and the sackings following from the drop in the rupiah and consequent economic slowdown. Moderate community figures, like the modernist Muslim leader Amien Rais, have suddenly become outspoken, even volunteering to be presidential candidates.
The underground Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) has become very active in Jakarta's slum areas as well as the factories. There have been lots of smaller demonstrations by new localised student and pro-democracy groups.
A new pro-democracy coalition has emerged. The National Committee for Democratic Struggle has mobilised several times, including organising two demonstrations of about 2000 each against the new, very restrictive labour laws.
If the anger reflected in all the local protest actions coalesces into an organised political movement, the dictatorship is in real trouble.