Michael Leutert
Since the reunification of East and West Germany, the Party of Democratic Socialism has become a major player in electoral politics in the east. At times, the PDS polls the majority of votes in the areas that were formerly part of the German Democratic Republic (GDR).
The success of the PDS in the eastern regions of Germany, as opposed to the western regions where its vote is much lower, is a direct reflection of eastern residents' previous experiences of free services such as education, child care and health and full employment under the old socialist-organised social and economic system.
The people living in the east have also been most hit by the austerity measures implemented over the past 15 years, the unemployment rate in eastern Germany is at times triple or more than that of the Western parts.
With a neoliberal offensive well in place, German politics is dominated by welfare cuts and cuts to state spending. In this climate, the PDS decided in 2001 to enter into coalition government with the Social-democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in two states, including in Berlin, the capital of Germany.
Berlin has a public debt of 51 billion euros. With an annual budget of 19 billion euros, the current debt grows by around 300 million euros a year. The pressures to create revenue and cut state spending are high. This situation is being exploited by the opposition parties, in particular the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which aims to undermine the coalition between the SPD and PDS.
The SPD has been weak in defending attacks on social service and welfare in other states; which makes tactical decision-making vital for the PDS in fighting off threats to the functioning of the coalition governments while maintaining progressive policies. The PDS is very conscious about maintaining and extending rights and conditions for the poorest sections of the population.
The first test for the PDS was an opposition push to increase child care fees in the state of Berlin. The only way the PDS was able to maintain the electoral coalition while not selling out on its progressive policies was to develop a counter proposal — which was adopted. This counter proposal stipulated an increase of child care fees for the highest income brackets, lesser increases for the medium brackets and lower fees for the lowest income brackets. The proposal resulted in more state revenue while reducing financial pressures on low income families.
In November 2003, the CDU demanded the introduction of university student fees. Despite the coalition contract between SPD and the PDS articulating an outright opposition to student fees, it became clear that the SPD would potentially support the proposal from the opposition. The minister for science and education from the PDS started thinking about a concept similar to the child-care fee model.
An internal debate within the PDS started with the most progressive tendencies arguing down the model on the basis that the child care fee was a financial and social improvement for the lowest income section, whereas the introduction of student fees, in the absence of any fees in place at the time, would be a regressive position for all.
The student movement took the issue to the streets, organising in opposition to the introduction of fees, and demanding free education. The student movement's tactical manoeuvre was to occupy the party offices of the PDS in Berlin. Instead of calling the police to rid themselves of the demonstrators, the PDS members and leading functionaries, many of them young and students, joined the "gathering" and discussed the issues for three days and nights.
A decision was made to organise a grassroots campaign within the PDS, in close contact with the student movement. The PDS education spokesperson in parliament, Benjamin Hoff, toured the state, organising public forums through the PDS' city base groups, on the issue of student fees. The issue was then taken to the PDS party congress in December 2003 and the student movement mobilised a demonstration outside the congress to keep up the pressure. The PDS party congress voted against any fees and for free education.
The close contact between the progressive tendency within the PDS and the student movement succeeded not only in maintaining the pro-people position within the PDS, but also generated enormous attention in the media, making it impossible for the SPD to vote for an introduction of student fees in parliament.
The experiences of the German PDS in coalition governments continue to be an important lesson for socialists engaged in electoral processes all over the world.
[Michael Leutert is the vice-chairperson of the PDS for the state of Saxony, which has a state party membership of 16,400. He recently toured Australia.]
From Green Left Weekly, February 2, 2005.
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