Haider, Austria and resistance
VIENNA — On August 10, 3000 people gathered outside Government House to take part in the usual Thursday demonstration against the coalition government of the conservative Austrian People's Party (VP)and the extreme right-populist Austrian Freedom Party (FP) of Jorg Haider. Amidst a heavy police presence the protesters marched through the city centre demanding that the government step down. The main demand was, "We will go/march until you go".
It is hard to walk the streets in Vienna without noticing graffiti, posters and stickers calling for wiederstand (resistance) to the new government. The first Viennese gay and lesbian house, "Rosa-lila villa", as well as kindergartens and apartment blocks sport larger than life banners with anti-government slogans.
Opposite the Parliament House, a tent embassy for concerned citizens has held its ground since February. Wiederstand has suddenly become a household term, not relegated any more to use just by left wingers.
In February, the VP invited the FP to form a coalition government. The announcement of the FP's participation sparked off massive protests in all capital cities and some country towns; it is estimated that more than 500,000 people have taken part in anti-government actions.
It was a tremendous shock to many Austrians to have a blatantly racist and extreme right-wing party in government, especially since Austria's own fascist history was suppressed and denied for decades. Austrians were outraged that the conservative VP would actually break its pre-election promise never to enter a coalition with the FP.
Apart from its European Union-condoned, neo-liberal ideology, the FP also includes elements of fascist politics. Various members have spoken favourably about specific policies under Adolph Hitler's fascist dictatorship.
Over the last decade, the FP has increased its share of votes to become the second strongest party in parliament. As a governing partner, the party now has the opportunity to strongly influence policy, such as in education, in order to "normalise" racist and misogynist ideas.
In the state of Upper Austria, the education department has already prohibited teachers from discussing the current political situation in class and from making any criticisms of the coalition government. A hotline on which teachers who are resisting this censorship can be denounced has been advertised.
Spontaneous movement
The strength of the resistance movement, which arose spontaneously, surprised many, including the newly formed government. The foundations of the movement were laid after the October 1999 national election, in which no political party achieved an absolute majority and the FP surpassed the VP as the second strongest political force in Austria. Three months of multi-party talks ensued to decide who would govern.
During this period, the first demonstration, which drew 12,000 people, including many trade unionists, took place in Vienna. The main demand, "No coalition with racism!", warned the social-democratic Socialist Party (SP) not to negotiate with the FP if the SP's attempt to form government with the VP failed.
The anti-VP/FP government movement was initially very heterogenous. For some participants, the new government's neo-liberal austerity measures prompted them to take to the streets, while others focused their protests mainly against the legitimisation of the FP's xenophobic and anti-Semitic ideology through being in government.
At the beginning, the movement incorporated various political currents, from social-democratic, Green and other reformist forces, to revolutionary organisations, anarchist groups, trade union activists and many liberal humanists. Well-known artists, musicians and scientists initially played a large role, helping to legitimise the protests among liberal-minded sections of the population. High school students organised a national walkout of 5000 students.
A clear consensus existed that the main aim and demand should be to get rid of the coalition government. Another important question was in how to keep the massive momentum of the protests going.
Divisions
After spontaneous riots and police-provoked violence at a demonstration on February 4, the liberal-humanitarian organisations SOS Mitmensch and Democratic Offensive distanced themselves from the daily protests and decided to mobilise only for one large demonstration on February 14.
The movement committee then decided to organise weekly (on Thursdays) rather than daily demonstrations, and new suburban committees formed to organise local activities. While many anti-government actions still take place in Vienna and the Thursday demonstrations continue to mobilise a steady crowd of a few thousand people, activities in other states have markedly declined.
Apart from a 100,000-strong May Day rally in Vienna, there has been a clear decline in the size of the protests over the last few months. This is the result of various factors, including the withdrawal of large sections of the liberal wing of the movement (the social democrats and the Greens) and the haphazard participation of trade unions.
The Austrian trade union peak body neither endorsed the protests nor distanced itself from them, leaving it up to individual unions and members to decide whether or not to participate.
During the first six months of the coalition government, the trade union peak body organised only one "day of action", in which a handful of trade unions went on strike for one hour. Organised students, too, have not played enough of a role in either leading the movement and challenging the government.
A near media black-out of protests and a strong government and business propaganda campaign against the protests has contributed to the decline in participants.
The protesters' main demand is for the government to step down and call a new election. This demand is contested by some movement activists, who fear an increase in the FP vote or even just the same result as last time.
Others argue that the call for a new election reflects the facts that the FP was not voted in and that the VP had promised not to enter a coalition with the FP. These activists see an SP-Greens coalition government as the only "realistic" alternative, although there are few illusions that such a coalition would implement progressive economic and social policies.
BY MARGARITA WINDISCH