Tim Anderson
I went to Caracas in December, during the National Assembly elections (en route to Cuba) and again in late January for the World Social Forum (WSF).
I was interested in what was going on in Venezuela, and in the growing links between it and the other left governments of Latin America. If we are looking at "other" worlds — that is, other than imperialism and neoliberalism — Venezuela represents the most interesting alternative in recent decades.
Here is a popular socialist party that has come to government and maintained power through elections, wrested control of the country's natural resources from the oligarchy and multinational corporations, confronted the empire, given a major priority to education, health and housing for poor people, increased levels of participation and resisted a US-backed coup.
How could the WSF not be fascinated and enthused by what is going on in Venezuela? The results are on the board: there are substantial improvements in education and poverty; state subsidies are now going to cooperatives and new public institutions; and the economy is very strong (13% growth in 2004-05) due to public investment, general growth and higher oil prices.
Internationally, Venezuela has pioneered new relations with Latin America by aid, barter, shared institutional development and various forms of cooperation. This "Bolivarian Alternative", or ALBA, is a major challenge to the neoliberal trade regimes. Venezuela and its southern partners have now killed the US plan for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA/ALCA).
Caracas is a big, crowded city with a lot of crime and high levels of corruption. Life is hard for many. More than 60% of the houses in Caracas are at risk of collapse, as the city has expanded up steep valley hills. Many live from tiny businesses on the streets. Other suburbs, like Altamira, are very well-to-do.
From the rallies, supporters of the Hugo Chavez government (Chavistas) are visibly working class and young, while the opposition supporters are middle class and older. It seems to me, though, that the participation of professional classes in the Chavez movement is growing.
The country remains very divided, with totally different media claims about what is going on. Most newspapers and TV stations portray the government as a dangerous Cuban ally, restricting liberties and moving towards a "communist" totalitarian state. Lies and distortions abound.
One opposition-commissioned survey asked, "How much do you agree with the announcement that private property will be eliminated and changed for common or collective property?" Twenty two per cent agreed and 75% were against. The opposition headline was, "75% support private property". In fact, the Chavistas have not made any such announcement about property.
The opposition talks of political prisoners, and there are several oppositionists in jail — one for sabotage during the December 2002-January 2003 oil lock-out and one journalist for criminal defamation. However, individual rights are more strongly protected in the 1999 Bolivarian constitution than previously.
The major implicit complaint, however, is that the state no longer privileges investors and private corporations. There is now zero government advertising going to the opposition media, which previously accounted for 60% of their revenue. The result is that some papers have collapsed while others are maintained as loss-making voices of the opposition. A couple more even-handed private papers, such as Ultimas Noticias, have picked up the government advertising.
On the other hand, the one public TV channel is now strongly pro-government. It is also creative and young. It has been joined by Telesur (a joint Latin American anti-imperialist TV channel), community TV and the channel of the National Assembly.
Some left papers, such as Diario Vea, now have government support and have increased their circulation. Most national and international news agencies are strongly anti-Chavez, but a public agency (ABN) has also been set up.
Chavez remains hugely popular and seems certain to win the presidential elections this December. But it would be naive to ignore the threats and their effects.
Although Chavez had army support in the 1990s, more than 100 generals participated in the Washington scripted and funded coup against him in April 2002. Presumably they have now been purged, though most were not prosecuted. Many industrialists, journalists and others who supported the coup remain active.
The US would seize on any opportunity for another coup and is trying to block Venezuela maintaining or acquiring military hardware and planes. Venezuela is therefore preparing itself militarily with Russian and Chinese technology.
Practical solidarity in the face of the imperialist threat is probably the most notable feature of Latin American politics today. The building of south-south links (under the ALBA banner) is impressive.
Following Evo Morales' election in December as president of Bolivia his Movement Towards Socialism immediately received strong Cuban and Venezuelan support. Cuba doubled its existing 2000 scholarships for young Bolivians training to be doctors. Chavez has signed eight agreements with Bolivia, including one on fuel supply. Chavez says Bolivia can repay the fuel in agricultural products.
Cuba now supplies Venezuela with 17,000 health professionals, as well as health and literacy education, in exchange for oil. The two countries now also share such things as ship and plane repair facilities. They have abolished all trade barriers and are privileging state and joint venture investment in each others' countries.
[Abridged from Sydney Indymedia.]
From Green Left Weekly, February 15, 2006.
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