On July 19 in the Nicaraguan capital of Managua, Giorgio Trucchi interviewed Honduran President Manual Zelaya for the Regional Latin American Secretariat if the International Union of Food, Agriculture and Hotel Workers World Wide (Sirel). Zelaya is Honduras's elected, legitimate leader overthrown in a June 28 military coup. It has been translated by Felipe Stuart Cournoyer.
In the last few days you've announced your intention to return to Honduras, no matter the cost. Is this a definitive decision?
We hope that this will be the best way to undertake an internal dialogue to solve the conflict and end the repression under which the Honduran people are suffering.
Dialogue with whom?
With the people, because the people command in a democracy. The power-sectors who have taken up arms are repressive groups and they have to give up the exercise of command that the people have not granted them.
What pains me is that the country is being destroyed. Society is suffering. They are trying to destroy the progress we have achieved and the efforts of so many generations through the use of arms.
The de facto government is totally isolated internationally and is facing a strong and tireless internal resistance from grassroots movements. Despite that, it continues a totally intransigent attitude. Are they placing their confidence in support from foreign actors?
They are like wild animals who cling to their food. They think Honduras is their personal ranch. They're a group of ten families who want to consolidate their economic wealth and privileges.
Their fear is groundless because no one is trying to get at them.
Nevertheless, they believe that democratic development will [badly] affect them and so do not accept democracy.
You said that sectors of the United States extreme right supported and continue to back the coup. Are you convinced of the involvement of those sectors?
These people have made public demonstrations of their support to the coup, including US senators and members of Congress.
Otto Reich is the former undersecretary of state for the western hemisphere and he came out supporting the coup. Many people in the United States have done the same.
Hence, there is proof and evidence that ex-president George Bush's hawks are behind this coup.
How important are the grassroots, social and union movement in blocking the coup's progress?
They are protagonists in defence of democracy because they think democracy is an instrument that enables them to make social conquests. They are combating the coup and won't give up until this attack against the Honduran people and democracy is ended.
The coupsters are defying the world and we have to set a precedent before it is too late.
International Union of Food, Agriculture and Hotel Workers (UITA) has been following events from the viewpoint of grassroots movements, before, during, and after the coup. For those sectors there are two elements that cannot be negotiated: rejection of amnesty for the coupsters, and going ahead with having a fourth ballot box [in the coming elections that would consult voters about whether or not a constitutional reform process should be undertaken] and the creation of a constituent assembly. What do you think about those points?
It would be ridiculous to award a prize to the coupsters for carrying out a coup. I think the position of the social movements is to seek a solution to the conflict, but without any prizes or pardons for committing penal and common crimes.
At the same time, I think that the seven points put forward by [Costa Rican] President Oscar Arias speak about political amnesty but not for ordinary and penal offences.
Regarding social reforms, I think that finding a new strategy to carry on with these reforms must be part of a broad process of discussion throughout Honduran society. Social reforms should not be ended, nor should the peoples' rights to participation [in political decisions] be blocked because they are constitutional rights.
In that sense, Arias' points were not discussed in their breadth because the coupsters do not accept restitution of a democratic system. They want a de facto regime that is lawless; they want to maintain it with violence.
We cannot accept that.
It's been said that there are two basic elements in trying to find a solution to the conflict: the position of the US and the role of the armed forces. What's your opinion on that?
Today we sent a letter to President Barrack Obama, respectfully asking him to stiffen measures not only against the repressive state, but also against those individuals who conspired and carried out the coup.
We hope for a quick response so that the measures undertaken will really restore a system based on law and order.
If that does not happen, we are all in a precarious situation — the whole population. I believe that Obama not only has diplomatic mechanisms to exercise pressure, but also has other strong resources that I hope he applies; and also other countries in Latin America.
Regarding the armed forces, if they are going to be used to carry our coups, then logically we have to evaluate their role.
However, I believe that it was the high command that ordered the coup. The officers and the new generation do not agree with this coup.
Is it getting close to the moment of your return to Honduras? Aren't you afraid of being arrested or assassinated?
I have no fear. But I am taking precautions and being careful.
When life demands it, you have to live with a sense of effort and of its rewards.
Sometimes sacrifice is necessary to bring about social conquests, and I am ready to make the effort for people's liberty, democracy, and peace.
Did you ask the media to accompany in your attempt to return to the country. Are you really proposing to go back?
I've asked them to accompany me. I am going to risk everything and the world is taking the same risk with my return.
I've said that if there is an assassination, [coup leader] General Romeo Vasquez Velasquez will be responsible for my death.