Nervous chatter and laughter held the mood at the referendum party on September 28 in check, until scattered whoops went up. More voices joined and small groups began to hop with sheer excitement. The first results were in and they were looking very good.
These results would hold: almost 57% of Berlin voters had voted “yes” on the most radical referendum this city has ever seen: it was demanding the city expropriate all corporate landlords who own 3000 apartments or more.
In 2019, our referendum campaign “Deutsche Wohnen & Co. enteignen” (Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen & Co) dramatically broke onto the political scene, corralling 40,000 Berliners onto the streets in the largest renters’ demo the city had ever seen. The streets were flush with purple-and-yellow-clad activists and renters carrying banners emblazoned with the controversial word: “expropriate”.
Politicians scoffed at the idea: “That’s nothing but a socialist fantasy”; “An unprecedented breach of taboo”; and, as Angela Merkel put it blandly, “Not the appropriate remedy for the housing crisis”.
However, the campaign quickly kicked off a national debate around housing and its crisis of affordability. Even the staunchly conservative state minister of Bavaria, Horst Seehoffer, dubbed the housing crisis the “social question of our time”.
The response in Berlin was swift.
But, in the end, Berlin passed perhaps the most radical rent cap in recent memory. The cap was ultimately overturned by the German Supreme Court, enraging renters who overwhelmingly supported the measure and rallying even more support behind our campaign.
If Berliners are anything, they are stubborn. And the wounds were still fresh from the government’s attempt to build over a large portion of its largest park and nature sanctuary, Tempelhof Field, the site of the city’s old airport that closed in 2008. A referendum put a stop to those plans, in a watershed moment that laid the groundwork for our own referendum.
Berlin has always fundamentally questioned the rules around space, housing and lifestyles. West Berlin was well known for its thriving and alternative squat scene in the 1970s and 1980s. Many of the co-ops still providing affordable housing today had their origins in this scene, as renters got fed up with absentee landlords and seized their own properties.
This rich history and strong memories of a wildly affordable, liveable city set the stage for an explosive faceoff with one of the world’s most powerful forces: real estate capital.
Between 2008 and 2019, the city saw rent for new apartments listings double. The city had begun to draw loads of Germans and foreigners fleeing from more expensive cities like London, Paris, and even Stuttgart.
The city also had privatised large swaths of public housing, selling off more than 200,000 units largely to institutional investors like Goldman Sachs and other constellations. The companies targeted by our campaign own around 250,000 apartments in the city; a number that has more than doubled since 2014.
Coupled with years of almost exclusively luxury housing construction, the city’s affordable housing has more or less vanished from the market, and renters must resort to increasingly bad options when moving. Talk to any recent migrant in this city and they will tell stories about not having official rent contracts ever, despite living here for years.
This radical upheaval on the market was also spurred by intense speculation. Berlin has seen more capital flow into the city via large acquisitions than any other European metropolis — more than €40 billion since 2007, far outstripping other centers of global capitalism like London.
Now, Berliners have sent a clear message that their city is not a plaything for speculation. After three long, intense years of campaigning we can say that we have sent a loud and clear signal to the body politic: ignore us at your own peril.
Not only have we accomplished something that would have been considered unthinkable even five years ago, but we have also learned how strong we can be. We have learned from professional organisers like Jane McAlevey — who advised our campaign and hosted training sessions — what deep and effective organising looks like. Through our renter organising arm and signature collection teams, we brought together more than 2000 volunteers into neighbourhood teams that knocked on thousands of doors, hung up tens of thousands of posters and collected hundreds of thousands of signatures.
The spectacular results also show that it is possible to build a mass movement around housing politics. Despite some devastating losses for progressive politics in recent years, movements like Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and Co. certainly show it is still possible to galvanise people behind radical demands. We have also proven that the demands in their breadth and vision matter: people want to be a part of transformative politics.
Will this campaign herald in a true about-face in housing politics? Not immediately, but it is the loudest warning shot we have seen in years. Leilani Farha, housing activist and former special rapporteur for housing to the United Nations has bemusedly remarked that she mentions our campaign at meetings with city officials about what can happen if you neglect renters. The officials laugh nervously at the thought.
The fight is certainly not over in this city, either. Since our referendum is not legally binding, but rather has the same power as a resolution, it will be up to the next Berlin government to enact the referendum and turn our demands into law. This was a conscious decision due to the novelty of what we are suggesting — expropriation according to Article 15 of the German constitution, states that “land, natural resources and means of production may … be transferred to public ownership” in return for compensation.
The article has never been used since the constitution was originally written in 1949. The open legal questions could have opened the door to sabotage through technicalities — which is exactly how Berlin’s previous renters’ referendum in 2015 was stopped by establishment politicians.
That said, the referendum is unmistakably politically binding and if the coming government chooses to ignore the city’s decision, they should be wary of the consequences of such a breach of public trust and the risks of further angering German renters, who make up more than half the population. In Berlin, that figure is more than 80%.
For the campaign this historic victory is not the end, but rather another beginning. It will take a lot of endurance to keep the pressure up and ensure that our demands are met. But after years of organising and building power, creating networks and gathering knowledge, we are ready for that fight. The campaign will also continue to fight against other housing injustices including evictions, racism and gentrification. And there will be a lot to share with movements around the globe.
But at least for now, Berlin has proven that big, radical proposals can win — and win big. That is something we will need to draw strength from and build on in order to undo all the damage real estate capital has done to our cities and communities.
[Reprinted from roarmag.org. Thomas McGath is a Berlin-based writer, housing activist and a spokesperson for Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and Co.]