By Michael Karadjis
The Republic of Macedonia could be the next target in Serbian warlord Slobodan Milosevic's campaign against his neighbours.
On June 26, the European Community caved in to Greek demands and decided to refuse recognition of the republic unless it adopts a new name that does not include "Macedonia" in it.
The US immediately stated its agreement with this resolution, which has opened up Macedonia to mortal danger.
Having conquered one-third of Croatia and two-thirds of Bosnia-Hercegovina, which were recognised by the EC and the US, Milosevic is not likely to feel restrained about turning his guns southwards against unrecognised Kosovo and Macedonia.
Moreover, the July 5 declaration of a Croatian state in the third of Bosnia-Hercegovina not already occupied by Serbia could indicate plans to divide the Balkans among the stronger states. In order to find a balance between the competing nationalist ruling groups which have taken over since the collapse of Stalinism, and also between them and the Greek and Turkish ruling classes, the weaker peoples will be sacrificed.
These weaker peoples include the Bosnian Muslims, the Macedonians and the Albanians of Kosovo, who face a particularly brutal and racist occupation by the Milosevic regime.
In this context, the EC's refusal to recognise Macedonia is an open encouragement to the appetites of this small state of 2 million people.
Serbia's aggression has been stepped up with the siege of the town of Gorazde, which is 70% Muslim. Its 40,000 residents and 30,000 refugees have been without drinking water and electricity for months.
The Serbian militia — made up of monarcho-fascist Chetniks and the remains of the Yugoslav army — aim to drive the Muslim majority from the town. Hundreds of thousands of Muslims and Croats have already been driven out of the Serbian-controlled parts of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina in a gigantic "ethnic cleansing" operation.
The declaration of a Croatian state in Bosnia by the Croatian militia leader, Mate Baban, was supported by Croatian President Franjo Tudjman. Strong evidence suggests this was a result of a secret deal between Tudjman and Milosevic for the dismemberment of Bosnia-Hercegovina.
This leaves the Bosnian Muslims, half the population and the absolute majority in 52 out of the 96 cantons in the republic, completely under foreign domination. "Does this mean the end of us as a people?", asked
Bosnian leaders called the Croatian declaration a stab in the back to a planned joint offensive against the Serbian besiegers of Sarajevo.
However, despite some reports of fraternisation between Serbian and Croatian militias, in much of the republic Croats have continued to fight alongside their Muslim allies. Further, the Tudjman regime is still under pressure from the enormous refugee population to take back Croatian territories conquered by Serbia.
There are also indications that the Chetnik militia are having trouble keeping control over the hostage Serbian population. Some recent gains against Serbian-occupied territories showed the local Serbs had little interest in siding with the murderous rabble in control.
Even more dramatic have been several demonstrations of Serbs in the occupied regions of Croatia demanding the return of the expelled Croatian population! This is not so surprising given that millions of Yugoslavs are in mixed families. The "Greater Serbia" drive has forced the break-up of enormous numbers of families.
The actions of the Serbian forces, particularly the siege of 300,000 people in Sarajevo, who have been trapped without food and medical supplies for months, have opened the region to western military intervention.
The UN has declared sanctions against Serbia, and 16 NATO warships have moved into the Adriatic to police them. The US warned that it was prepared to use air power to cover operations aimed at bringing relief aid to Sarajevo.
While any relief to the starving population is to be welcomed, in the longer term the Serbian regime and its actions in no way threaten western interests. On the contrary, apart from the initial relief effort, the most likely role of any UN force will be to enforce the new borders carved out by the stronger states.
At the very most, the west may have decided that Milosevic and his "Socialist" party are now something of an embarrassment, and sanctions may aim at helping the right-wing opposition to topple his government.
This opposition, consisting of the Orthodox Church and the Serb-medievalist Draskovic, have recently hijacked the leadership of the peace movement. However, they are extreme partisans of "Greater Serbia" and until late last year enthusiastic supporters of the war. Draskovic has openly declared Croats to be "inferior" since the Serbs "brought them language", and the Macedonians to be nothing but a communist plot.
Even the moderate Democratic Party has declared that "if the Albanians raise the political demand for independence, all necessary means must be employed against them". All deputies in the Serbian parliament sures against the Albanians.
Clearly, these forces see the peace movement as a road to power. The peace movement has declined markedly since they took it over. These forces would bring "peace" once Milosevic has finished the dirty work. They do not even hint at withdrawing from the occupied territories.
Meanwhile, in Greece, state repression against the antiwar movement continues. Five Greek socialists, members of the Socialist Revolution Organisation, have been charged for producing a booklet which opposes the Greek's government's line on Macedonia and supports the Macedonians' right to self-determination. The three charges carry a five-year prison sentence.
Already 200 trade unionists have signed a declaration demanding that the charges be dropped, as have the Greek Communist Party and all the far left forces.
This latest repressive move follows the six months prison sentence given to six people in January for putting up posters calling for recognition of "Slav Macedonia", and the 19 months sentence given to four others in April for handing out an antiwar leaflet which had been signed by 169 people, including several MPs and many prominent unionists, artists, writers and academics.