ARGENTINA: 'Angry votes' threaten government

BY ALEJANDRO RODRIGUEZ & ROQUE GRILLO

On October 14, in the midst of the worst economic crisis in the country's
history, Argentinians went to the polls to elect representatives to the
Congress and Senate — and gave the government of President Fernando de
la Rua a hiding.

The two main traditional parties, de la Rua's Radical Party and the
Peronist Justicialist Party, received a greatly reduced vote, but the Peronists
were able to capture some seats from the Radicals and strengthen their
position in both houses of parliament.

De la Rua's personal popularity has also taken a dive: from 63% at the
time of his election in 1999, to 18% now.

The left ran in six different groupings, managing to win a combined
25% of the vote in Buenos Aires district and elect five representatives
to Congress and two Senators — a huge improvement on past results. Of the
six groups, only the United Left clearly identified itself as socialist,
and managed to win two seats in the lower house.

The far right also managed to pick up votes: the fascist parties managed
to get four proven torturers from the days of the military dictatorship
elected to Congress.

The clearest winner from the poll, however, was the voto bronca,
the “angry vote”: ballots either left blank or carrying a message or a
photo of Diego Maradona or Osama bin Laden. Some 21% of voters cast angry
votes; in some areas, it is estimated that votes for bin Laden, Maradona
or “corrupt bastard” would have been enough to get them elected.

Hatred of all politicians has never been so great or so widespread.

The combination of neo-liberal economic mismanagement, which has privatised
everything, and a massive external debt requiring constant “austerity”
measures to repay has left Argentina in the middle of a three year-long
recession, with no end in sight.

The country's coffers have been emptied by debt repayment, capital flight
and government corruption. Argentina's national debt stands at US$132 billion,
an increase of 125% from when privatisation, which was supposed to pay
off the debt, began under former President Carlos Menem.

The government officials, the company owners and the managers of the
large corporations who produced this crisis will not be affected by it.
They either take the millions they stole from International Monetary Fund
loans or privatisation contracts and leave the country, or they stay in
their mansions, protected by foreign bank accounts and the state security
services.

The IMF's only worry is that there will be nothing left to pay the national
debt, which might set a precedent of non-payment for other indebted poor
countries.

The threat of collapse is not an idle one. Already several provinces
are completely bankrupt and a parallel currency, which has no backing,
has emerged. This new currency, called patacones, is what is being
paid to government employees, even though hardly any retailers accept the
invented currency.

Meanwhile the working people of Argentina are worrying about where their
next meal is coming from. The official unemployment rate is 20-25% in the
urban centers and 70-90% in many rural towns, as industries have taken
all they can and left.

Those industries still standing are offering 50-70% salary reductions,
or early retirement onto a state pension that has been cut by 13%. The
numbers completely marginalised, forced to live in makeshift wooden and
cardboard housing on the outskirts of towns, are growing rapidly.

While those who own the country are sending their money overseas quicker
than the IMF can pump it in, the working poor have started organising themselves.

Many local organisations have sprung up among unemployed people, who
get together to form parallel economies where people exchange services
for produce: a doctor trades a consultation to someone who can fix her
car, a farmer trades vegetables for material so he can build a shelter.

Local unemployed groups have also set the pace in the fight against
the IMF. As the established left-wing groups spread the ideas of socialism,
solidarity and the struggle against capitalism, the unemployed are putting
up the barricades, which usually consist of no more than their own bodies.

The object of their protests is simple: “work plans”, a type of social
security for the unemployed. The idea behind most protests is to block
traffic on strategic highways until protesters are paid their US$160 a
month.

Many unemployed groups have now started taking on political demands,
including dropping the external debt, freeing the political prisoners and
redistributing wealth and property. Many identify with the ideas of Che
Guevara.

The government has responded to this movement with fierce repression,
jailing over 2000 activists, some for as much as five years. Several activists
have also been murdered by the police and many more have been tortured
with batons and electric shock treatment.

Now groups have started to name themselves after slain activists, like
Teresa Rodriguez, organise to an even greater degree and prepare to put
up a much greater fight when next confronted by the police.

From GLW issue 469