BY NORM DIXON
The SBS Dateline current affairs program on February 13 broadcast
a special report — “Killing Mugabe: The Tsvangirai Conspiracy” — and a
follow-up report on February 20, by Walkley Award-winning Australian journalist
Mark Davis. The reports alleged that Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai had ordered the assassination of Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe.
A secretly filmed video of a meeting held in Montreal on December 4
— attended by executives of the Dickens and Madson (D&M) “political
consultancy” firm, Tsvangirai and at least one Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) adviser — was the central evidence for the allegations presented
in both Dateline programs.
The other key piece of evidence cited was a statement issued by D&M
which, Davis reported, said the firm in October had been “contracted by
Tsvangirai to kill Robert Mugabe. The Montreal meeting ... was to discuss
how to install Tsvangirai into power after the assassination.”
The whole case against Tsvangirai rests on the assertions of D&M
executives, Ari Ben-Menashe and Alexandre Legault.
Credibility
Legault is wanted in three US states on charges that include racketeering,
organised fraud and mail fraud. The charges relate to a fraudulent investment
scheme that robbed 300 elderly people of savings worth a total of US$13
million.
A Canada-based corporation owned by Legault, the Carlington Sales Company,
was involved in a scandal in Zambia last year in which maize destined for
hungry people was bought and paid for but not delivered; US$6 million went
missing. The company lists Ben-Menashe as one of its “foreign agents”.
The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's Disclosure program on December
4 revealed that Carlington regularly fails to deliver commodities after
payment has been received.
Ben-Menashe, a former agent of Israel's Mossad spy service, played a
peripheral role in the US Iran-contra scandal in the late 1980s until his
exposure led to his sacking.
Peddling his notoriety, Ben-Menashe travelled the world contacting left-leaning
investigative journalists (including Green Left Weekly in 1992)
to “reveal” numerous international conspiracies.
His greatest claim to fame was as a source for the “October Surprise”
allegations: that Republican Party figures struck a deal with the Ayatollah
Khomeini's regime in Iran to delay the release of US hostages until after
the November 1980 presidential poll, thereby thwarting a “surprise” poll
advantage for incumbent Democrat Jimmy Carter.
The October Surprise claims disintegrated when the central informant
was exposed as having fabricated the allegations. Ben-Menashe's claims
too were proven to be untrue. The US media organisations that had championed
October Surprise turned on Ben-Menashe. PBS Frontline announced
that Ben-Menashe's “credibility with reporters collapsed because some of
his assertions proved implausible”.
Esquire's Craig Unger in 1992 even penned an article for the
Village Voice titled “The trouble with Ari” in which he explained
the allure and perils of dealing with Ben-Menashe: “Ari has put five or
six dozen journalists from all over the world through roughly the same
paces. His seduction begins with a display of his mastery of the trade
craft of the legendary Israeli intelligence services... His astute analysis
and mid-boggling revelations can stir even the most jaded old hand... Listen
to him, trust him, print his story verbatim — then sit around and watch
your career go up in flames.”
`A deal is struck'
Davis was told that “one of the principals of Dickens and Madson” (since
revealed as Ben-Menashe) met with Tsvangirai in London in October. “According
to D&M [i.e., Ben-Menashe], Tsvangirai requested the assassination
of President Mugabe at their first meeting and a deal was struck”, Davis
reported.
D&M told Davis that at a second meeting in November in London, Tsvangirai
agreed to pay US$500,000 and promised the company contracts with a future
MDC government in return for the hit on Mugabe.
If the D&M's spy-cam video of the October meeting is viewed with
the assumption that Ben-Menashe and Legault are telling the truth, the
footage seems damning.
But what if Ben-Menashe and Legault deliberately set out to entrap the
opposition leader as part of a “sting” operation, at the direction of the
Mugabe regime?
Dateline rejected this possibility. In the first program, Davis
did not mention Ben-Menashe and Legault's checkered histories. In the February
20 program, Davis did concede that “many people have branded Ari Ben-Menashe
a liar”. However, in a telephone conversation with Green Left Weekly
on February 21, Davis was emphatic: “I don't believe [Ben-Menashe] is a
liar.”
The meeting screened by Dateline certainly reveals that Tsvangirai
and D&M discussed detailed arrangements to return Zimbabwe to constitutional
rule, in cooperation with a section of the Zimbabwe military, following
an “elimination” of Mugabe.
However, the dialogue does not prove that Tsvangirai ordered such an
act to be carried out. It is apparent that Tsvangirai does not even believe
he would be the automatic beneficiary of it. Much of the discussion revolves
around the preparedness of a military figure, whose name Dateline
obscures, to guarantee the eventual holding of elections.
Did D&M deliberately set out to entrap Tsvangirai by falsely claiming
to represent an anti-Mugabe section of the military? Did Tsvangirai foolishly
agree to explore such an approach in the light of Zimbabwe defence force
commander Vitalis Zvinavashe's blunt statement that the army would not
accept an MDC victory in the March 9-10 presidential election? Or was Tsvangirai's
discussion of hypothetical scenarios put to him by D&M taken out of
context, as he maintains?
Double agents?
In the February 13 program, Davis stated that D&M “has recently been
engaged by [the Mugabe] government, but four months ago, when this story
begins, they were free agents”. The implication being that D&M offered
its services to Mugabe only after Tsvangirai had asked them to arrange
the president's death. When
GLW spoke to Davis, he remained convinced
that D&M had no business links with Mugabe prior to October.
However, later statements by Ben-Menashe indicate that Davis was misled.
The February 14 Canadian National Post reported that Ben-Menashe
told the newspaper that D&M had a “long-standing working relationship”
with Mugabe and his government. “Mr Tsvangirai knocked on the wrong door”,
Ben-Menashe quipped.
Ben-Menashe made similar comments to the London Daily Telegraph,
reproduced in the February 14 Sydney Morning Herald: “What [Tsvangirai]
didn't know was that we had a relationship with Mr Mugabe that dated back
quite a few years.” Ben-Menashe told the February 14 Toronto Globe and
Mail: “We had a long-term relationship with President Mugabe. Personally,
I've known him since the '80s.”
The fact that D&M was working for Mugabe strengthens Tsvangirai's
case that he was “set up”. In a statement released on February 14, he stated
that it was D&M that approached the MDC to offer its services to build
the party's image in North America. The MDC accepted and meetings were
arranged.
However, Tsvangirai's claim that “at no stage during the first three
meetings was the issue of elimination or assassination ever discussed”
is at odds with the videotaped discussion and his later statements.
His account of the taped meeting also does not match what appears on
the tape: “Mr Menashe kept wandering from the issues discussed previously.
He and his team from nowhere introduced discussion around the issue of
elimination and kept asking strange questions. It was at this stage that
I burst out of the meeting.”
Dateline's videotape clearly shows that Tsvangirai did indeed
leave the meeting after some tense exchanges, but he returned after several
minutes and for the next hour discussed various post-elimination scenarios.
As Davis told GLW, “Even if it was a sting, [Tsvangirai] was stung”.
Is this “evidence” that Tsvangirai ordered the assassination of Mugabe,
as Dateline insists? Clearly, Tsvangirai is not telling the whole
truth. Tsvangirai seems to be attempting to conceal that he was prepared
to deal with military figures who he was led to believe intended to act
against Mugabe.
Tsvangirai's comments to the South African Broadcasting Corporation's
Special Assignment program on February 19 strengthen that interpretation.
He said that in the early meetings, D&M claimed they had contacts in
the Zimbabwe military, but in the meeting that was recorded, Ben-Menashe
and Legault pressed the MDC about what contacts they had made in the military.
“I said, `No, that was not the understanding ... You were supposed to
initiate [contact] because you said you had the contacts'”, Tsvangirai
explained. “I don't think the military was aware of what was happening,
but this was the portrayal that was being given by Ben-Menashe.”
However, Tsvangirai continued to maintain in his SABC comments that
the filmed meeting was a “broad scenario discussion”. In the discussion
of the “scenario” of Mugabe's assassination, Tsvangirai said: “There is
only one ... option: the [Zimbabwe] vice-president takes over, we will
cooperate as MDC in parliament to make the necessary constitutional changes
to facilitate the extension of the voting [to] March 31st, so that we create
conditions of stability before the elections are held.” This is broadly
in line with the recordings of the meeting.
The Mugabe regime has much to gain from a successful entrapment of the
former trade union leader. Tsvangirai is a serious threat to Mugabe's 22-year
reign. Mugabe and his ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front (ZANU-PF) have embarked on a reign of terror to intimidate supporters
of Tsvangirai's trade union-backed MDC in an attempt to retain power at
the March election.
The charges made in the Dateline program may provide Mugabe with
the perfect opportunity to nullify the MDC challenge to his autocratic
regime. Repressive “anti-terrorist” laws passed in January carry sentences
of life for acts of “insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism”.
Zimbabwe's minister for national security Nicholas Goche told the state-run
Herald newspaper on February 15 that the allegations “prima facie
suggest the commission of a number of very serious crimes. The police will
obviously need to conduct exhaustive investigations to get to the bottom
of the matter”.
Mugabe has resorted to similar charges in the past to neutralise his
political opponents. In 1983, Zimbabwe African Peoples Union leader Joshua
Nkomo fled the country after being accused of plotting to overthrow the
government.
Mark Davis told GLW that he had further footage from the secretly
taped meeting, but it is not scheduled to be broadcast at this stage. He
refused to release the entire tape to other journalists to examine. “We'll
wait and see what develops”, he said.
Full transcripts for Davis' February 13 and 20 programs are available
at <http://www.sbs.com.au/dateline>.
From Green Left Weekly, February 27, 2002.
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