BY CHRIS LATHAM
In 2002, 5836 people joined the Australian Defence Force (ADF) as
regular members — about 700 more than joined in 2001. The vast majority
of them were young people between the ages of 18 and 24.
While no survey has been taken of the young people who have joined the
ADF in recent years, a glance at the pitch made in recruiting advertisements
does not support the idea that there is any significant increase in support
for the Australian military among young people.
During the last financial year, the ADF spent more than $33 million
on recruiting ads in newspapers, on TV and at movie screenings.
The thrust of this advertising is not aimed at telling the truth. It
does not try to convince young people to become part of the Australian
military machine to kill people in other countries in order to protect
Australian businesses’ overseas investments. Nor does it aim to convince
young people to become part of the ADF to fight “terrorism” or “rogue states”:
the current establishment justification for imperialist military intervention
in the Third World.
Rather, ADF recruiting advertisements focus on how being part of the
ADF enables young people to get fully paid training in some highly skilled,
technical job or to help poor people in other countries rebuild the basic
services. (Recent ADF ads highlight Australian military personnel's role
in rebuilding East Timor's roads, schools and health services in the wake
of the devastation caused by Indonesian occupation of that country.) The
ADF's combat role is only alluded to through scenes of war games — never
images of real combat situations.
Historically, the bulk of general enlistments, that is non-officers,
of the world's armed forces, have been drawn from the working class, usually
its poorest sections. General enlistment in the army and navy by young
people from impoverished working-class families is motivated, much less
by patriotism, than by the desire to obtain a regular, guaranteed income.
It is for this reason that African and Hispanic Americans make up a considerable,
and increasing, proportion of the soldiers and sailors in the US armed
forces.
The ADF chiefs are well aware of this. That's why their recruiting ads
emphasise the amount that recruits will get paid. According to the comparative
employment value adjustable model (CEVAM), an 18-year-old ADF recruit who
has completed basic training can expect to take home at least $690 per
week.
CEVAM is a spreadsheet on the Stay Army web site that allows ADF personnel
to work out what they would need to earn as a civilian to receive the same
financial remuneration and benefits they receive in the ADF.
In the case of the hypothetical 18-year-old, to receive the same level
of income (take-home pay and other benefits) in civilian employment that
he or she would get in the ADF, they would have to earn $45,927 per annum,
putting them in the top 3.5% of wage earners for 15-19 year-olds.
The desperate financial situation that the majority of university students
face, whether they are working part-time or living on the poverty-level
income provided through the Youth Allowance, makes joining the army reserves
an attractive financial proposition. It is for this reason that army recruitment
stalls are becoming an increasingly common sight on university campuses.
These stalls target students who are desperate to make ends meet with
tax-free pay that doesn't affect Centrelink payments. The army reserves'
advertisement of a commitment of “one weekend a month and two weeks a year”
adds to the attraction of the army reserves. The time required is actually
higher, including at least one night a week and the possibility of being
called up to full active service.
In 2001-2, there were 1034 reservists in regular service out of the
total reserve force of 21,001. This is likely to be much higher this year
with the war on Iraq. On January 7, Britain announced it was calling-up
6000 of its 40,000 reservists.
The financial motivation for enlistment in the ADF increases the possibility
of a growth of opposition to war within its ranks and those considering
it as an employment option, as occurred in the US army during the Vietnam
War.
The growth of anti-war sentiment within the US army, of course, reflected
the growth of anti-war sentiment in the general population. But it was
also encouraged by sections of the anti-war movement seeking to convince
the ranks of the armed forces that the war was unjust and supporting the
right of military personnel to publicly express their political opposition
to the government's foreign policy.
[Chris Latham is a member of the socialist youth group Resistance.]
From Green Left Weekly, January 22, 2003.
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