BY SEAN HEALY
The military dictatorship of General Pervaiz Musharraf has launched
a fierce crackdown against its opponents, arresting 20 leaders of political
parties belonging to the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy, including
the general secretary of the Labour Party Pakistan, Farooq Tariq.
The alliance has called on Musharraf, who seized power in a military
coup in October 1999, to declare national elections immediately and stand
down. It unites the 18 main parties opposing Musharraf, including the former
ruling Pakistani Muslim League, the Pakistan People's Party of former prime
minister Benazir Bhutto and left-wing forces like the LPP.
The military quickly swooped on the activists who gathered at the Mochi
Gate, arresting another 50. Among those arrested and severely beaten were
six leaders of the LPP, including the party's Lahore and Punjab secretaries.
The March 21 arrest of its leaders came just two days before a planned
(and banned) mass rally in the Punjabi city of Lahore to demand democracy's
return. The 20 were arrested at the home of a Muslim League leader as they
were putting final plans for the March 23 Pakistan Day rally in place.
The previous night, the military had swooped on the houses of supporters
and rounded up more than 2000 activists.
The political parties vowed to go ahead with their March 23 rally, defying
both the arrests and the military's seizure and fortification of the Mochi
Gate area of the city, where the rally was due to start.
Tariq and other alliance leaders have been charged under a notorious
``anti-state'' activities act. It is now up to the regime to decide whether
it will hear a bail application
The arrests of the 20 leaders took place shortly after polls had closed
for a second round of local council elections. Political parties were barred
from openly participating in the elections and all candidates were forced
to run as independents. The Labour Party Pakistan and other oppositionists
had performed well in the first round of elections in January, winning
a number of seats.
All the political parties participating in the alliance are formally
banned and public demonstrations have been illegal for more than a year.
When he seized power on October 12, 1999, Musharraf claimed that he
would save Pakistan from the endemic corruption and poverty that had beset
the country during the reign of the Muslim League's then-prime minister
Nawaz Sharif. He promised that he would end the domination of politics
by corrupt landlords and industrialists, limit the growing influence of
Islamic fundamentalists and restore democracy step-by-step by October 2002.
His actions put the lie to his words, however, as he cracked down on
oppositionists and unionists and delayed on steps to bring back democracy.
In November, for example, he ordered military discipline to be enforced
in the country's strongly unionised railway workshops and yards, sent police
in to beat up protesting railway workers and detained four union leaders.
The regime's economic policy has also provoked mass anger, after signing
agreements with the International Monetary Fund, the most recent in December,
which specify the large-scale retrenchment of public sector workers and
an unprecedented price hike.
And the dictator's one great claim to any degree of popular backing,
his promise to come down hard on corruption, was dealt an irreparable blow
by his December 10 decision to release Nawaz Sharif and allow him and his
family to go into exile in Saudi Arabia. The regime had previously built
up a strong case against Sharif and was using the case as proof of its
anti-corruption credentials.
The formation in October of the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy
was a clear and present danger for Musharraf, and repressing it has been
his chief concern since then. But his March 21 crackdown seems to have
only increased the alliance's standing among the Pakistani people and made
Musharraf's eventual downfall all the more certain.
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